FRENCH MILITARY RECONNAISSANCE IN THE OTTOMAN

FRENCH MILITARY RECONNAISSANCE IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE (18th & 19th
CENTURIES) AS A SOURCE FOR OUR KNOWLEDGE OF ANCIENT MONUMENTS.
##Put Lafitte Clave's stuff together, or draw attention to it??
Introduction
The nations of Europe have derived strength and security from the general improvement of human
reason, and the cultivation of the arts of peace and war; in the meantime, the spirit of mkilitary
enterprise has declined among the Turks; the vigorous age of their monarchy is past; and the
weakness of their empire has been exposed to their enemies, and parts of it have been invaded, or
wrested from them1
France had the strongest trade interests in the Levant - from the Balkans and Greece, through Syria,
Egypt and Tripolitania to Algeria and Tunisia - of all European powers during the 17th and 18th
centuries2, and used her navy and her military readiness and reconnaissances in order to protect
them. An ally of the Ottoman Empire since 1535, French trade with that immense empire was some
50% of all her maritime trade. By the French Revolution, only Spain and America were more
important markets for her, and half the trade between Europe and the Empire was in the hands of
France3. Like other European powers, France wished to maintain the integrity of the ottoman
Empire because it was not in her interests to see it divided. France's premier position was
maintained by a varied mixture of diplomacy4, agreements - the capitulations - and the threat of
force; and the Ottoman Empire was a useful weapon against Russia and Austria. With Napoleon's
invasion of Egypt in 1798 that threat became a reality, subdued by the ignominious retreat and then
enhanced by the designs on the rest of Europe which unhinged the balance of power and presented
Turkey and the Balkans as a likely theatre of conflict between France and Russia. What is more,
Napoleon's actions, frequently contradictory and against traditional French loyalties, achieved the
otherwise difficult task of throwing Russia, long the Ottoman Empire's enemy, into alliance with
her5. The Levant, in other words, was to become in the 19th century the target of the expanding
empires of Britain (Egypt) and France (Algeria and Tunisia), whilst the long-brewing conflict with
Russia came to a head in the Crimea.
During the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, Ottoman military and technological skills declined, forcing
her to employ temporary consultants from the West for such tasks as cannon-founding, fortressbuilding, the production of gunpowder and the training of troops in modern warfare and the use of
modern small arms. Thus 15 artillery experts were in the budget for 15276; the French Ambassador
1
Rev. Robert Walpole, Memoirs relating to European and Asiatic Turkey, edited from manuscript journals, London
1817. Preliminary discourse on The Causes of the Weakness and Decline of the Turkish Monarchy, p.1.
2
P. Masson, Histoire du commerce francais dans le Levant au XVIIe siecle, Paris 1896; ibidem, Histoire du commerce
francais dans le Levant au XVIIIe siecle, Paris 1911;
3
P. Mansel, Constantinople: city of the world's desire, 1453-1925, London 1995, p. 114;
4
cf. A. Vandal, Les voyages du Marquis de Nointel (1670-1680), Paris 1900, pp.1-21: "Louis XIV et l'Orient";
5
V. J. Puryear, Napoleon and the Dardanelles, Berkeley & Los Angeles 1951, passim.
6
R. Murphey, "The Ottoman attitude towards the adoption of Western technology", in J-L Bacque-Grammont & P.
Dumont editors, Contributions a l'histoire economique et sociale de l'Empire ottoman, Louvain 1983, pp.287-298.
1
himself trained Ottoman artillery for the Russian War of 1548-50, and established naval operations
against Spain in 1551-57; French embassies offered aid in the 17th century, and the Embassy of
Mehmed Efendi to France in 1720-21 included military manoeuvres as well as the study of
fortification models8; and the series of military reverses the Ottoman Empire suffered in the 18th
century occasioned new efforts at military reform and modernisation, such as Russian, prussian and
British military missions in 1834 - too late, since her defeats triggered the Eastern Question,
namely the long agony fo the dismemberment of the Empire which concluded with the Treaty of
Lausanne in 19239.
The setting for this paper is therefore an Empire in gradual decline faced by increasingly
industrialised European powers seeking markets for their products, and willing to use their armies
and navies as an arm of commerce. In what was a Mediterranean (and, indeed, Europe-wide) game
of chess, with ever-moving alliances, the French Ministry of War attempted to keep up-to-date on
Ottoman military and navalcapabilities by studying the strengths and weaknesses of the Ottoman
Empire, by mapping possible invasion routes, and by recording the reports on defences and
weapons composed by officers lent to the Turks. In 1783 and 1784, for example, engineers,
artillery officers and sappers arrived in Turkey, to train officers, found cannon, and build
fortifications, within a School of Military Engineering10. Many such officers were well-educated,
and intensely interested in the antiquities they came across, not only because of a classical
education, but also because such antiquities (roads, forts, cisterns, aqueducts) might well be needed
in the event of invasion, as proved to be the case when they invaded Algeria in 183011. Since their
reports often write at great length on such matters, the Ministry was clearly of the same mind. We
shall examine below some examples of the reports generated during this mission.
Such reconnaissance reports are valuable today because they are often the only record of many
antiquities since destroyed, or of the more pristine states of monuments since become dilapidated.
Through them we can gain a much fuller picture both of the “antique landscape” of the Ottoman
Empire than is available from most 18thC or 19thC travel writers or (later) archaeologists, and of
how the Ottomans continued in many instances to use a “military landscape” bequeathed to them
by Rome and Byzantium. To take as an introductory example the most basic of all, namely roads:
Western Europe was giving great attention to transport questions in the 18th century, even to the
extent of investigating building roads on the Roman model. That such Roman-style construction
was an unattainable ideal because too expensive, is reflected partly in the recourse to canalbuilding. But in the Ottoman Empire, roads were especially important, nothing equivalent having
replaced what the Romans had built well over a millennium beforehand. To locate and use such
surviving roads was therefore essential for any army. Their lack was a cause for lament, as in an
1807 Itinerary from Spalato to Constantinople12: Du reste les chemins sont tel, qu'on pouvoit dire
qu'il n'y en a point et qu'il y en a partout…
7
D. M. Vaughan, Europe and the Turk: a pattern of alliances 1350-1700, Liverpool 1951, pp. 124, 127.
F. M. Gocek, East encounters West: France and the Ottoman Empire in the 18 th century, New York 1987, pp.58, 86.
9
R. Mantran, "Les debuts de la Question d'Orient (1774-1839)", in R. Mantran editor, Histoire de l'Empire Ottoman,
Paris 1989, pp.421-458.
10
L. Pingaud, Choiseul-Gouffier, la France en Orient sous Louis XVI, Paris 1877, pp. 95ff; cited in Masson, Histoire
du commerce francais dans le Levant au XVIIIe siecle, p.275;
11
M. Greenhalgh, "The new centurions: French reliance on the Roman past during the conquest of Algeria", War &
Society 16.1, May 1998, pp.1-28.
12
Genie, Article 14: Turquie, Carton II, 1786-1838.
8
2
Apart from the general watching interest they had in an Empire which occupied a substantial
proportion of the Mediterranean coastline, three specific factors throw into relief the attention the
French gave to the often venerable fortifications of the Ottoman Empire, from the Balkans, through
present-day Turkey, and round into Syria and as far west as Algeria. The first was the need to
assess the military strength of the Empire, especially the likely access-routes plan through the
Dardanelles or the Balkans, or perhaps through Syria; and, given the power of Russia, to assess her
defensibility from the North and East as well. The second was the lack of a true fortress-building
tradition on the part of the Turks: they had often been happy either to mend and update Roman and
Byzantine constructions, and to employ Europeans to build fortresses for them; likewise their
frequent use of artillery of monstrous size was mitigated by a tendency not to maintain it well. This
leads to the third factor, namely the employment of French officers to train their troops, as they
were to do German officers in this century. In the 18th century, the French sometimes served as
adjuncts to the Turkish military, helping with artillery training, and also with surveys of military
installations. These, of course, also found their way into the archives of the French Ministere de la
Guerre. Advisors were withdrawn when Austria declared was on the Ottoman Empire in 1788. This
meant that an observant officer corps, often very interested in the Classics, could travel the country
and report back to France with written reconnaissances The acceptance by the French Ministry of
War of “archaeological asides” in large quantities in the reports they received is a reflection not
only of how the fabric of Antiquity was still in use in the Ottoman Empire, but also of how the
practican and the antiquarian are often indissolubly mixed in the reports the offers sent. The very
size of the Ottoman Empire therefore dictated the spread of French interests in war materiel and
fortifications from the Greek Islands and the Balkans to the Black Sea, and from Eastern Turkey
down intoSyria - and hence the range of Greek and Roman antiquities of which the French were to
offer accounts.
The Intellectual Background for Reconnaissances Travel and the Mapping of France
It is important to bear in mind the scholarly context for such reconnaissances, which are predicated
upon assumptions about military endeavour and horizons which have since faded. The 18th & 19th
centuries regarded scholarship and treasure-hunting as appropriate activities for their military,
blessed by the ancients. Alexander took scholars with him on campaign, to write accounts of his
campaigns as well as to study the art and architecture which their master might wish to imitate;
Napoleon did likewise in Egypt, and started a modest Egyptomania back in France. The Romans
had collected trophies of their conquests; so did the French. Royal vessels took antiquities from
Syria and Libya to ornament Versailles; and much of Britain's antiquarian loot was conveyed by the
Royal Navy. Europe was transfixed by the vision of ancient Greece, and tended (often unfairly) to
see Islam as the ignorant destroyer of classical remains. Choiseuil-Gouffier, French Ambassador to
the Sublime Porte, was more an archaeologist than a diplomat, and in 1765 actually exhorted
Catherine the Great of Russia to create an hellenic state on the ruins of Turkey, allied to Russia - to
rescue part of classical civilisation, in other words, from what he considered the tyranny of the
Turk13. This idea bore some fruit, since her second grandson of 1779 was baptised Constantine not far from a deliberate vow to recapture Constantinople for Christianity and Russia, the more so
13
P. Masson, Histoire du commerce francais dans le Levant au XVIIIe siecle, Paris 1911, p. 274;
3
since talks were held with Joseph II of Austria in 1780 with this end in view, the annexation of the
Crimea in 1783 and the loss to Russia of some Black Sea forts in 1792 being part of the process.
Part of Choiseul-Gouffier's idea of an hellenic state also came to pass, when the Greek War of
Independence (1821-30, with some Russian intervention) led to the birth of the Greek state on the
ruins of part of the Ottoman Empire, and the destruction of the Ottoman Fleet by Britain, France
and Russia at Navarino in 1827.
For men such as Choiseul-Gouffier, the classical past was much more immediate than the Middle
Ages or Renaissance, and with more impressive monuments. With the development of civilian
travel in the 18th century, usually for architectural or archaeological investigation, the military
could join skills with civilians in making high-quality reconnaissances, and considered themselves
adequately prepared only when armed with the appropriate ancient authors (whose works, they
believed, could offer important information about strategy, battles and monuments) and the modern
travellers who frequently offered commentaries on the ancient authors as well as on what they
actually saw on their travels. Napoleon took this enthusiasm for the past slightly to extremes on the
Expedition de l'Egypte. Not only was a complete set of copies of dispatches, Orders of the Day, etc
kept so that the history of the campaign could the more easily be written, but books were sent out to
him in Cairo14, amongst them the complete works of Voltaire and Winckelmann, various military
memoires, Gosselin's Geographie des Grecs, and La Gardette's Ruines de Paestum, presumably
because this was the closest information that could be found to Egyptian architecture. But these
were mere afterthoughts, for Bonaparte took a library of no fewer than 560 works (not volumes),
following a shopping expedition costing over 192,000 livres15. The works included the
Encyclopedie (1,980 livres), the complete Memoires de l'Academie des Sciences (1,650l), the
Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (480l), Choiseuil Gouffier's enormously
popular Voyage Pittoresque de la Grece, and the Voyages of Captain Cook. The seven parts of the
Choix des costumes des peuples de l'Antiquite might well have offered some background on Egypt
- but could the nine in-folio volumes of the prints of Piranesi have been for anything other than the
paragone between what the Romans had achieved and what he, Bonaparte, would accomplish?
That such big spending on books bore fruit is evident from the monumental Description de l'Egypte
which is in a mammer of speaking France's true monument to her invasion of Egypt. And the spirit
it inculcated is reflected in the works produced by Bonaparte's officers. Chef d'Escadran Schaouani
is a good example, producing a large quantity of notebooks16 of what he saw in Egypt and further
West, taken during reconnaissances, some with the help of the Ingenieurs-Geographes of the
Army. These included not only familiar Egyptian antiquities, but also Roman forts the
measurements of which he gave, perhaps because he thought they might be used to house troops for
defence.He complains in bad French of his lack of instruments, interpreter, pencils, pens, or chinese
ink, and the slog of folloowing the marching troops for nine to twelve hours every day, frappe a
chaque pas par de nouveaux objets qui commandaient l'attention; les haltes etaient a peine un
moment de repos…But then, as we learn from the biographical notes he gives us17, he was probably
well over 50, having started his drawing of antique ruins in 1746.
14
B6-83: Expedition de l'Egypte: Copies ordonnes par le Premier Consul pour servir a l'histoire des Campagnes
d'Egypte et de Syrie, 1798-1801. Cf chapter I for the books despatched.
15
6B-80, Toise des depenses faites la le Citoyen Caffarelli, General de brigade du Genie d'apres les ordres du General
en Chef Buonaparte, sur les fonds assures par le Ministre de la Guerre, pour l'expedition de la Mediterannee, An 6.
16
B6-79: Memoires et documents divers sur l'Egypte provenant du Chef d'Escadron Schouani, 1798.
17
B6-79, Egypte: Notes particuliers et observations de … Schouani.
4
Such high-quality preparation evidently became a tradition, surviving the fall of Napoleon, for he
was not the only officer to read the works of the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres in
Africa. Captain Delambe, writing from Bone, where he was in charge from January 1833 to
November 1839, reported18 on 29 March 1836 to the commanding General on a booklet published
by the Academie, entitled L'Histoire de l'Afrique Septentrionelle. He has read it with interest,
because all his leisure moments have been devoted to this same topic, discovering les noms actuels
de la plus grande partie des ruines romaines qui sont repandues de toutes parties par le sol, noms
qui peuvent et doivent servir a retrouver les noms primitifs. Such work has had a practical outcome,
allowing him to correct many errors on the map of Colonel Lapie WHAT DATE? - and he has
evidently learned Arabic so as to be able to converse with the locals. Thus we find the instructions19
given to two Ingenieurs Geographes who were to accompany M. Michaud to the Orient in 1830.
They should learn the language, read earlier travellers and ancient historians; and since Michaud's
research was the Crusades, they were ordered d’entreprendre d’autres explorations destinees a
perfectionner la geographie encore si peu connu de l’Asie Mineure centrale, de la Syrie et de
l’Arabie petree; ces contrees qui ont ete le theatre de si grands evenements depuis l’existence des
anciens empires jusqu’a nos jours. But why such solicitude for battles long ago? Because it was
realised that here (just as in Algeria), crusader fortresses and their predecessors and successors still
offered formidable obstacles to modern armies. Indeed, scholarship could be served at the same
time as military reconnaissance, as is clearly implied by their further instructions: faire connaitre,
comme chose fort importante, les positions militaires bonnes a occuper pour la defense du pays. Ce
serait le cas de comparer ici ce qu’on sait des marches et des operations militaires des anciens
avec les dispositions qu’il conviendrait de faire a prfesent, en egard aux formes du terrain, ainsi
qu’a la tactique et aux armes modernes. In fact, from the military point of view, this is a
thoroughly modern reconnaissance, using the Crusades as a convenient skeleton, since the
landscape, natural resources, fortifications and hence strategy have not changed. This same
symbiosis between what the Romans did, and what the French would do in their footsteps, is a
perpetual theme in their conquest of Algeria.
But if Napoleon provided the picture of the complete soldier-scholar, what formal training was
offered for officers to undertake reconnaissances? The only general instructions that appear to have
survived are from 182820, but these might echo what was expected in the previous century.
Reconnaissances should include a careful note of les especes et les qualites des materiaux qu'on
peut trouver sur les lieux pour la construction, tels que pierres, bois, metaux, etc. Details of what to
put on sketch-maps are also given: Les maisons, ponts en pierre et toutes les constructions en
maconnerie seront mis au trait et laves en rouge - carte rouge, one might say, for including
antiquities which, in many locations, were the only masonry constructions existing. Reports should
conclude with a chapter of considerations militaires, that is, une relation des evenements militaires
anciens et recens don’t le terrain leve ou les environs aura ete le theatre. A defaut d'evenenens
militaires, on rappellera ce que l'histoire du pays pourrait offrir d'interressant.
18
3M541, Depot de la Guerre: Algerie 1830-1836.
MR1619 Turquie 1619/33: Instruction pour les deux officiers du Corps royal des Ingenieurs geographes destines a
accompagner M. Michaud, membre de l’Academie Francaise, dans son voyage en Orient, 1830.
20
MR1978/4, Comie Consultatif du Corps Royal: Extrait de l'Instruction pour l'execution des reconnaissances
Militaires don’t les Officiers du Corps Royal d'Etat Major doivent etre charges, 1828.
19
5
What are the sources for such an interest in the antique past on the part of the military? The impulse
goes back to the Renaissance, when ancient military manuals and tactics were first studied again,
but only from texts. By the 18th century, the desire for detailed knowledge led to systematic
excavation and travel expeditions to parts of the world (such as the Ottoman Empire) that had not
been much visited since the Crusades, except by traders ranged along the coasts. Indeed, the 18th
century saw a developing interest in national history, including perforce that of the Middle Ages as
well as of remote antiquity. French scholars, along with English ones, were to the forefront in such
developments; and two large mapping projects bracket our period - the Carte Generale de la
France (1756ff) and the Carte de France (1841). Both undertaken for census reasons but with an
eye to military requirements, they set the scene for the intellectual horizons of those French officers
who write reconnaissances of the ottoman Empire. It may even be that the vogue for
archaeological knowledge amongst the military may have developed after the production of the
Carte Generale de la France, called the Carte de l'Academie, which was funded by an Act of
Association in 175621. For this project, printed questionnaires were prepared, asking for names of
hamlets, villages, chateaux, rivers, mills, water-mills and roads. Respondents were also to be
questioned about arbres, Piliers de Justice, Croix, Calvaires, Poteaux, Bornes etc et qui par leur
hauteur et position servent d'indication dans le Pais de separation de Justices, Territoires,
Eveches, Intendances, etc - that is, although many of the items instanced arfe potentially of
antiquarian interest, their only point in this operation is as boundary markers. Given that by 1793, a
review showed that by that date some sections of the Carte de France had seen as few as one
impression pulled, most 11 or under, very few 20, and the highest 40, the Comite du Salut Public
determined22 to systematise such works into a Depot general de toutes les cartes plans memoires et
ouvrages relatifs a la geographie, topographie et hydrographie consideree sous tous les point de
vue d'utilite publique. Importantly, this grand plan would include groups of artists charged with
map- and plan-making, and divided into five divisions oif geography, namely (1) astronomique, (2)
historique et politique, (3) physique et economique, (4) itineraire par terre et communications par
mer and (5) militaire. This is not the place to examine the connection of these proposals with the
complexion of the old Depot de la Guerre (i.e. the Depot referred to above), but simply to remark
on the universal thirst for knowledge that such proposals reveal, which for our purposes paid
dividends in the scholarship and antiquarianism shown in so many French military memoires and
reconnaissances.
Such attitudes were fine-tuned by the time of the 1841 Carte de France which, like it 18th-century
predecessor, was written according to predetermined chapter headings:
1. Physical Description;
2. Statistics;
5. History. This section often starts with political events, and then goes on to do archaeology.
Tendency to start with generalities, and then get down to monuments by period and date. Some
entries are probably valuable, because quoting from memoires which may not be printed or
published, or discussing monuments since destroyed or altered23. This project may also offer some
of the earliest accounts of "Gallic" antiquities24.
21
3M395, Depot General de la Guerre: Carte Generale de France, Rules for execution by the Engineers, 1757.
3M277, Depot General de la Guerre: Comite du Salut Public, Section de la Guerre, 20 prairial, An 2. For usage of the
Carte, cf, loc. Cit. a MS of 25 November 1793.
23
e.g. Captain de Laslases on Chauvigny, in MR1298, pp26-7. Captain Blondat has several pages on the antiquities in
his Memoire on Poitiers (Carte de France, 1841, carton MR1298, pp.13-16, 25-30). Captain Reverdet’s Memoire
22
6
Reliance on the ancient authors, and on the markers provided by ruins on the ground, and relayed
by military reconnaissances, was essential for any itinerary- or map-making in the Ottoman Empire
because the Depot de la Guerre, which held such material in the 18th century, is characteristically
well-supplied with material for Western Europe, especially the borders of France, but very light on
material further East25. Attempts to remedy this situation were made in 1797 by proposing a library
for the Depot de la Guerre, and drawing up very long lists of desiderata, strong on travels and
voyages, as well as on military arts, if somewhat lighter on history26.
Another element in the education of the French military which is a result of the heady optimism of
the Revolutionary period is the foundation of the Ecole Polytechnique, and its organisation 27 to
include classes in architecture and drawing for its students. The students will study l'architecture
proprement dit, ou la construction, la distribution et la decoration des edifices particulieres ou
nationaux. They will draw from models and from nature, and on se familiarisera avec les regles du
gout dans les ouvrages de composition. Not only that, but a Conservateur du Cabinet des Modeles
is to the appointed - so the students may also study architecture in the round as well as models of
machines.
However, from hints in the documents it might be the case that not all officers had patience with
such a historically-based approach to the present. Toscan de Terrail, on the General Staff in
Algeria, prepared 111 pages of Notes sur l’Afrique28 for his colleagues. And preceded them with an
Avertissement which reveals his frustration with such attitudes: Comme on pourrait trouver que la
partie historique de ces notes remonte a une epoque trop reculee, qu’elle embrasse des evenements
trops connus ou qui n’ont pas un rapport assez immediat avec le pays designe sous le nom de
regence d’Alger, la table ci-dessous facilitera les moyen de negliger tout ce qui serait juge inutile.
But this account is purely historical, with nothing at all on the archaeology of the country.
Geodesique Militaire (Carte de France, 1841, carton MR1298, p.7), notes the high quality lithographic stone around
Chatellerault, with qualities qui sont propores aux nouvelles applications que l’on fait de l’art lithographique, et qui se
pretent facilement a la gravure en relief au moyen des acides. - although in this case not for art, but rather for the
growing practice of making multiple copies of documents, making lithography the predecessor to the photocopier.
MR1298/52-59, Carte de France, Feuille de Poitiers, 1842 etc etc. Includes (as 1298/54) a “Plan des Monuments
Celtiques de Chateaularcher, dits le Champ de Thorus, Canton de Virome, Departement de la Vienne” - including
views of them, with three table dolmens (large stone leaning at angle against another), with galeries, and a plan of a
destroyed gallery. Also includes plans of various important battlefields including Poitiers 732, at 1298/56. Indeed this
Carte (like them all?) includes a large section, Chapitre 5, dedicated to general History, then Archaeology, then
Military History (e.g. 263-74 for Battle of Poitiers). The author of this account, Le Commandant Saint-Hippolyte,
describes (p. 206) how he had his officers each take account of the celtic monuments in each section, and describe and
mark them; but how the Champ de Thaurus was so important that he drew it (see above) and described it himself,
pp.218-40. He also notes amphitheatres, walls, aqueducts and Roman roads. Nor is Saint-Hippolyte the only officer to
report on antiquities: 1298/49-51, M. Fourcade, Feuille de Saumur, memoire sur les environs des Trois Moutiers,
Vienne, 1841, includes (at 1298/51) pencil drawings of the Dolmen de Vaon, and a standing stone “Polven (Caillou de
Courcu)”.
24
25
Details in 3M249, Catalogue des Memoires et Manuscrits topographiques et militaires du Depot de la Guerre, An 8.
3M267, Depot de la Guerre: Bibliotheque; list dated 26 August 1797 (9 fructidor), with a much longer supplement
dated Ventose An X.
27
3M311: Ecole Polytechnique, Organisation de l'Ecole Polytechnique, 7 Ventose An 4.
28
MR881.1, Toscan de Terrail, capitaine d’etat major, Notes sur l’Afrique, 111 pages, March 1836.
26
7
Reconnaissances in the Balkans
It was the task of a Ministry of War to plan invasion strategies even against allies such as the
Ottoman Empire. The difficulty was that that Empire was visibly collapsing (hence the viability of
the Greek War of Independence), and what would fill the resultant vacuum? Invading the Ottoman
Empire through the Balkans, specifically Croatia29, seemed attractive because the naval ingredient,
and the need for troopships, was much less than tempting the Dardanelles. General Guillaume
assessed the possibilities in the early 19th century, and set his account30 at the very beginning in its
historical context, giving the ancient history of Nikopolis, Apollonia and the rest - l'entrepot des
deux Empires d'Orient et d'Occident. A powerful reason, he believes, for taking this route is that in
Epirus on y retablirait avec bien peu de peine et de depense les grandes routes qu'y avaient les
Romains. Guillaume then parallels Roman campaigns with contemporary ones, and cette
description embrassera la geographie ancienne et moderne de ce pays. There follows an account of
Roman success in Epirus, and the note that the walls of Actium still stand to ten feet in height, and
the circus surviving as well. He completes the circle by drawing contemporary conclusions from
Roman campaigns. We may, however, note that Guillaume's was not the only view of the matter.
When Capitaine du Genie Riollay wrote a memoire in 1810 on north-west Bosnia31, the planning
was done completely without an ancient framework - so presumably taking the "ancient route" was
at least in part a matter of education and personal predilection.
Or does Guillaume's reconnaissance smell too much of the study rather than the landscape? It
contains no indication that he has actually followed the route he is recommending; and when, to
Riollay's assessment we add that of another Engineer Captain, Roux La Mazeliere32, writing in
1808, it becomes clear that he was unreasonably optimistic and romantic in ignoring the
difficulties. Roux writes from experience: not only are the fortifications along the route de vieux
chateaux en maconnerie sans terrassement, tres mal entretenus pour la plupart, presque sans
canons, but the roads (no hint given of Roman surfaces) are passable only to pack-horses, there are
few stone bridges (hence impossible to manage with artillery), and the houses are all of wood, so
offering no defensive positions. Bad news though it was, this report was either highly valued or
widely circulated, for the archives carry four copies of it. Nevertheless, Guillaume had been on a
mission to Epirus in 1807, when still a Colonel33. This he accompanies with a map, with the ancient
sites marked in red. He compares the tactics and strategy of Ali Pasha to those that can be found in
the Iliad, and finds that rien ne ressemble plus aux moeurs des Grecs dans les temps heroiques et a
celles qu'a depeint Homere, que les moeurs des Albanais - not necessarily a compliment, of course.
Cf. MR1626/44, dated 15 March 1810: Memoire sur la Reconnaissance faite dans la partie NordOuest de la Bosnie, indiquant les routes que pourroit suivre une armee francaise qui penetroit en
Turquie en passant de la Croatie.
29
30
Genie Article 14: Turquie, Carton 2, 1786-1838: General F. Guillaume, Memoire sur la possibilite d'une invasion en
Turquie par l'Epire.
31
Genie Article 14: Turquie, Carton 2, 1786-1838, Memoire sur la reconnaissance faite dans la partie Nord-Ouest de la
Bosnie, indiquant les routes que pourroit suivre une armee Francaise qui penetreroit en Turquie partant de la Croatie,
March 1810.
32
Genie Article 14: Turquie, Carton 2, 1786-1838, Memoire topographique et statistique sur la Bosnie, 1 April 1808.
33
Genie Article 14 Turquie, Carton 2, 1786-1838: Rapport de ma mission en Erzegovine, Albanie et Epire, 1807.
8
The conclusion is inevitable: to understand what is happening now, read up about strategy and
tactics in the ancient authors, for nothing has changed.
The clarity and elegance of these straightforward reconnaissance reports is admirable, and they are
often written by men of culture. For example, General Danthouard's Memoire sur la Dalmatie34,
dated 10 June 1806, marks antiquities in the margin: in his two-page account of Zara his only
catch-heading in the margin is a large 70-point Musee, with an indication in a private house of une
collection passable d’antiquities. On y voit quatre statues colossales deterrees a Nona...; and of
Nona he notes that it is an Ancienne ville, mais qui ne conserve absolument [rien] de son ancienne
splendeur sous les Romains... At Spalato, on the Dalmatian coast, he notes that the Venetian
extensions the fortifications of Spalato (with more walls and bastions outside the Diocletian
enceinte) skimped the job, and les ouvrages ayant ete abandonnes depuis longtemps, ont serve de
carriere aux habitants; une partie est meme appelee la Breche - that is, they will steal any material,
and not just antiquities. Lassaret, a member of the corps of Ingenieurs-Geographes, reported on
Spalato in 180635, logged earthquake as responsible for the destruction of antique towns, and on
rencontre a chaque pas en Dalmatie des vestiges plus ou moins apparentes des villes et des
monuments romaines, ainsi qu’un grand nombre de medailles du temps des Empereurs. Les plus
remarquables et les mieux conserves sont celles de la ville de Salona et du palais de Diocletien
dont les murs meme forment la premiere enceinte de la ville de Spalato - i.e. the walls of the palace
still in use as such, if not as any kind of military obstacle, as we saw above.
Reconnaissances in the Bosphorus and Dardanelles
Two of Turkey's greatest weapons, and the shield for Constantinople, were the two easily
defensible straits to north and south - the Bosphorus leading to the Black Sea; and the Dardanelles,
the funnel between the Sea of Marmara and the Aegean, which was Russia's only easy access to the
Mediterranean, and the route for all seaborne trade with Constantinople. Both straits are so narrow
that gunfire from the fortresses which stood sentinel on the European and Asian coasts could be
devastating - hence the frequent descriptions of their construction and armament36.
But what was the quality of the forts and armaments which guarded these straits? Many of them
were antique in origin, or rebuilds using antique materials; and many of them mounted cannon still
firing marble cannon-balls. We may suspect that the mercantilist interests of the West, including
France, did not run to the installation of weaponry of European standards (for marble cannon-balls
were still being fired across the Dardanelles in the mid-19th century); but if such antiquities were
sufficient to deter the French from running them under war conditions, the British did indeed do so
in 1807 (as a part-result of the Ottoman alliance with France), and stood off Constantinople37 - the
21-24/MR1626.
MR29-30/1626, Memoire a joindre a la Reconoissance Militaire de la Dalmatie, signed
“Lassaret Ingenieur et Geographe", December 1806.
34
35
36
V. J. Puryear, Napoleon and the Dardanelles, Berkeley & Los Angeles, 1951, pp.437, with a commented
bibliographical note, 421-430. Archives additional to the Army Archives are available at the Ministere de la Marine
(MM,B7, with over 452 cartons); AEMD Turquie (over 65 volumes), and AE Constantinople 74 with consular
material, 1795-1802.
37
V. J. Puryear, Napoleon and the Dardanelles, Berkeley & Los Angeles 1951, pp. 127-147: "That Infernal Strait".
9
first foreign force to approach Constantinople since the Cossack raid of 162438. That training was
still required is underlined by the introduction as late as 1807 of training in European fighting
techniques (by Britain, Sweden and Austria, but mainly by France);
The Turks made very sure that friendly visitors knew about the power of their armament, because
they provided ceremonial salutes with them, as an English captain recounts in 1790: The Turks at
the Dardanelles always salute with ball, and the nearer they go to the vessel, the greater the
compliment. Each fort fired seventeen guns; their cannon are monstruous, and the shot flying en
ricochet along the smooth surface of the water across our bows, from Europe and Asia alternately,
and throwing up the sand on the opposite shores, while shouts of applause from the admiring
multitude, hailed us on returning their salute, crowned this charming morning39. That these
cannon-balls were indeed cut from antique columns (because of their ability to withstand firing,
and their devastating effect when they shattered on the target) is not in doubt. An English traveller,
Dr Hunt, in Turkey probably in 1799, confirms this: In the great battery are guns of various
calibre, and those on a level with the water are enormous; the bore of them is nearly three feet. We
saw a pyramidal pile of granite shot for these huge cannon, which our Consul told us were cut out
of columns found at Eski Stambol (ancient Constantinople), a name given by the Turks to
Alexandria troas…40 When he got to Alexandria Troas, he confirmed what he had been told at
Cannakale: Near the ancient port we saw piles of cannon balls, formed out of granite columns, by
order of a late Captain Pasha for the supply of the forts of the Dardanelles.
The voracious appetities for marble of these cannon is confirmed by their quantity:, M. LafitteClave, in a long account of 178441, includes a table of the artillery of the chateaux d'Europe et
d'Asie, reporting 19 ten-feet bronze pieces for the European side, which fired a 22-inch-diameter
stone ball, and one piece 20 feet long, with a 28 inch diameter, The Asian side mounted 14 22-inch
pierriers of ten feet in length. As for the forts on the Bosphorus, Roumeli Hisar (p.71) has 13
pieces, each 17 feet long, 13 inches internal diameter, which are chargees avec des boulets de
pierre ... on n'a pas pu determiner le poids de ces boulets ne connaissant pas la pesanteur de
l'espece de marbre dont ils sont faits a celle de la matiere des boulets ordinaires. Since Lafitte
was in Constantinople to give lessons on fortification to the Turks, we can assume that he knew
what he was talking about;
A good example of the scholarly bent of some soldiers who reported on the Dardanelles is provided
by M. le Chevalier de Clairac's Memoire sur les Dardanelles42 of 1726. Littered throughout with
references to classical authors, cited in Latin in the margin, this account is far different from the
typical Renaissance production, crafted in the study from the ancient authors alone. A detailed and
apparently scrupulous account of some 129 pages, it also has plenty of references to classical sites,
which he actually visited, employing the usual technique of antiquarians trying to make sense of
what the classical authors say by reference to the topography of what he can see on the ground. He
marched, he tells us, compass in hand, d’un pas regle, la montre a minutes et la boussule a la main;
38
Mansel, op. Cit., p.232. The Russians had tried and failed in 1770.
Captain D. Sutherland, A tour up the straits from Gibraltar to Constantinople, London 1790, p.348:
40
Dr. Hunt, Journals, p.84ff., in Rev. Robert Walpole, Memoirs relating to European and Asiatic Turkey, edited from
manuscript journals, London 1817.
41
SHAT MR1616, Nos 7-8, Reconnaissance de Constantinople, 1784.
42
MR26/1616, begun 2 October 1726.
39
10
et des que nous trouvions un puits, une fontaine, ou quelque objet plus considerable, j’ecrivais le
nombre de minutes et l’orientement.
The chateau vieux d’Asie, according to what he heard at the Dardanelles and read in Belon, was
built by Mahomet II from blocks taken from the ancient site of Scamandria, half a league from the
straits (Belon p.77). Of the new forts, the chateau neuf d’Europe, mounted - canons-pierriers guns which threw a marble cannon-ball of between 400 and 800 pounds in weight. This is indeed
an observation of concern to the survival of Antiquity, since the balls were generally carved from
antique columns, a plentiful if diminishing source which was very convenient because little labour
was required to trim shaft-sections to shape, the balls not needing to fit the barrel tightly43.
Constantinople and Environs
In the 18th century, the walls of Constantinople and the fortresses up the two straits were important
military obstacles, and French accounts offer much interesting archaeological detail not otherwise
available. Thus Major de Lafitte Clave, writing about 22 April 1784 for the Departement General
de la Guerre et de la Geographie 44, offers a description which forms part of a larger Memoire sur la
defense du Canal de la Mer Noire. The walls are very degraded, he writes, with large breaches
which have not been repaired. Indeed, the three enceintes were dans le plus mauvais etat possible;
elles tombent par lambeaux de meme que le contrescarpe et sont couvertes de lierre et d’arbustes
en plusieurs endroits. Neverthess, the author is clearly taking the walls seriously as a military
obstacle remarking, of the section between the Seven Towers and the sea, that toute cette partie
d’enceinte a ete autrefois reparee avec des colonnes, et des pierres d’entablement d’anciens
edifices Grecs et Romains que les Turcs n’ont pas respectes: on les voit sur le parement de la
muraille, et on peut lire sur quelques unes des restes des inscriptions Grecques - which is useful,
because this tranche of wall does not survive; and we have no accounts of columns used elsewhere
in the walls for repair (i.e. horizontally, as ties). Since this section of wall was by the sea, we can
assume that the columns served here as they did elsewhere in the Empire as a guard against
undertow in the water itself, or at footings level on dry land as a defence against sapping.
Major de Lafitte Clave also gave an account of a journey southwards from Constantinople to Bursa,
Nicaea and Nicomedia in 178645, which offers equally valuable accounts of the region. At Bursa,
where little remains today of what he correctly recognised as the Roman walls (Les parties antiques
de ces murs sont faites avec de gros blocs de pierre de taille; mais ils ont ete reposes depuis avec
moins de solidite), he confirms that the defences were in a poor state; but he also notes that the
inner fort, which has completely diappeared, had towers and a gate ornee a droite et a gauche par
des bas reliefs qui ont ete mutiles. We can confirm his good judgmengt, and his range of interests,
by his admiring comments on the walls of Nicaea, which do survive, construites avec de belles
pierres de taille tires des anciens monumens qui attestent la splendeur de cette ville et sur
lesquelles on peut lire quelques inscriptions. At Nicomedia, where almost nothing survives today,
there were no standing antiquiyties in his day either - mais on trouve par tout dans les rues et dans
43
The depradations of canons-pierriers upon antiquities will form the subject of a future paper.Meanwhile, see the
summary in M. Greenhalgh, CISAM DETAILS, forthcoming.
44
MR1626: Turquie: pieces doubles 1784-1829; cf. pp.52-60. A draft of this document bears the exact date
45
MSS du Genie, 4to/120, Journal d’un voyageur de Constantinople a Brousse Nicee et Nicomedie en 1786.
11
les maisons des morceaux de colonnes des chapiteaux et d’autres debris qui attestent son ancienne
splendeur ce que les Turcs ont appropries a leur usage.
The archives of the Engineers also contain accounts which are not purely military in intention, but
similar to high-quality civilian travel diaries - another indication of the range of military interests.
An example is the late 18th-century document entitled Instructions pour un Voyageur qui veut voir
Constantinople46, which offers descriptions of the walls (including Greek inscriptions), and of
Tekfur Saray (Le palais ... n’est remarquable que pour la bizarrerie de quelques mosaiques
formees par des briques rangees avec simetrie dans la maconnerie qui remplit l’intervalle des
pierres de taille du cote de l’ouest et par des ornemans de bronze frises qui sont disposes dans
leurs cintres des fenetres et les font paroitre comme vermicules - we know about the diapered
walls, which survive: but none of the bronze ornaments have survived). He records inscriptions in
the walls from the Constantine Palaeologus rebuild, and compares what is left at the Seven Gates
with the Renaissance description of Gillius: he finds only two main columns flanking the gate, and
the bas-reliefs earlier recorded have disappearedm except for one representing a Lioness, dont les
mamelles sont remplies de lait, qui se trouve au dessus de la Porte, dans une maconnerie qui est
visiblement un ouvrage des Turcs #WHAT IS THIS???. From here he proceeds to S. John
Studion, still with its roof on, and can fecall for us the whole structure of the nave, only sections of
which survive: the vault is held up by sept colonnes de chaque cote de verd antique de 6 pieds et 6
doigts de circonference chacun d’ordre corinthien surmonte d’une frise de marbre blanc
admirablement sculpte en feuillage. Sur cette frise s’eleve sept autres colonnes plus petits mais
dans une juste proportion avec celles qui sont en dessous, on n’en peut dire la couleur, parce que
les Turcs les ont couvertes avec de la chaux. Next to the church, is a cistern supported on 23 granite
columns.
The Ministry of War also collected when available reconnaissances by foreign officers. One such is
a Russian journal of 182947, conveniently written in French, the international language of culture.
This anonymous officer relates (correctly) that Mahomet II shot pierriers at the wall in 1453, and he
saw the breach at the Adrianople Gate - still in evidence after over 300 years - by which he entered
the city. He considers the walls d’une belle conservation, a quelques parties pres, est couronnee du
plus beau lierre, ce qui lui donne un aspect respectable et romantique; and he comments on des
armoires et des inscriptions grecques encore lisibles on several towers. But they are outdated:
Cette defense devait etre bien forte avant l’invention de l’artillerie, ou lorsque cette arme etait dans
son enfance...”
Greece and the Islands
The islands of Greece were of continuing importance to the French Navy, offering convenient ports
of call and occasionally bases for their ships, whose task it was to protect and where necessary
defend French commercial interests in the whole of the Levant. The Navy was in a better position
than the Army to assess harbours and anchorages; and, in this capacity, they frequently came
across activities involved in the transport of antiquities from Turkey and Greece back to Europe,
46
47
MSS du Genie, 4to/120, paginated.
30/MR1619 "Extrait du Journal d’un officier russe", 1829: Notes sur un voyage de Constantinople”. pp.30-31.
12
although usually only the debris of the crime. Thus Captain D. Sutherland visited Paros, and
recalled its reputation for marble: While its marble quarries were being worked, Paros was one of
the most floourishing of the Cyclades; but on the decline of the Eastern Empire, they were entirely
neglected, and are now converted into caves, in which the shepherds shelter their flocks … Several
fine blocks of marble – fragments of columns, are lying close to the water’s edge, and seem to have
been brought there by travellers, who for want of a proper purchase to get them on board, have not
been able to carry them farther…48
Just what a general reconnaissance involved for the French in the late 18th century is illustrated by
that ordered by the Marechal de Castries, Ministre de la Marine, in 1784. The Engineer Lafitte was
on loan to the Turks, and rend a la porte le service important de reconnoitre ses frontieres49.” The
survey seems to be a broad one, being entitled Memoire Militaire sur les positions relatives des
Isles et des Cotes de l’Archipel du Levant, and is inscribed Pour servir d’introduction a la
reconnoissance generalle ordonnee par le Marechal de Castries 1784.
Just how latitudinarian de Castres’ General Reconnaissance was understood to be can be seen from
Lt-General Durnan's 251-page folio reconnaissance of Crete50, which includes no fewer than seven
pages on a a detailed description of a visit to the Labyrinth, complete with balls of twine and
torches. The promised plan of the site is unfortunately missing, but they encouter and transcribe
some of the graffiti of earlier travellers. This whole account should be most useful to historians of
18th and 19th century Crete.
Frequently, such reconnaissances tell of antiquities completely lost or substantially altered, usually
because of the pressures of population and hence need for building materials, of which antiquities
were often the most conveniently placed. The islands were easier to rob than the mainland, with
most antique remains on or near a working harbour or anchorage. Thus an Italian report on Ithaca,
of 180751, Se ne suspono nella Fortezze di Ulisse sopra la montagna di ... Vi sono pure nella
Localita Polis pertinenza e ansi delle mure antiche, ove si dice esistesse una citta. Anche nell’altra
localita nominata Santi Tanassi in cui si distinguono alcune trazie di un Tempio antico. Queste
scoperte sono state fatte gia pochi anni da due viaggiatori Inglesi, che si trad...no varj giorni
nll'isola - this account perhaps written by or for “L’Amministratore d’Ithaca, Felichs Zambelli.”
Zante is another island on which antiquities are today scarce. L.Fauchier reported52 in 1808 the few
remains he found: Les seules Antiquites qui existent sur l’isle sont celles qu’on trouve au village de
Melinadro distant six milles de Zante. Il existe une inscription grecque bien conservee dans
l’eglise de Saint Dimitry sur une pierre qui sert de table a l’hotel [and he transcribes and translates
it].Paolo Mercati had seen more a couple of decades previously, for he enumerates53 several,
including la tomba di M. T. Cicerone [!] which he draws; and which he says was found in 1544 by
Fra Angelo Gugliese Minor opservante presso la Chiesa Cattolica di Santa Maria delle Grazie,
nello scavare del Monastero - together with two glass phials, one for tears, the other for ashes,
48
A tour up the straits from Gibraltar to Constantinople, London 1790. Pp.149-50.
, MR3/1626, p.36.
50
MR 6/1616.
51
MR1628/48 Rapport sur l’Ile d’Ethiaki (Ithaque), (in Italian, in spite of its title), 1807. Perhaps written by or for
L’Amministratore d’Ithaca, Felichs Zambelli, whom it mentions.
52
MR1628/49, L. Fauchier, Rapport sur l’Isle de Zante, 2 January 1808, p. 27.
53
MR1628/57, Paolo Mercati, Descrizione dell’Isola del Zante, undated, but perhaps late 18th century.
49
13
which he also draws. Mercati was more assiduous than the Frenchman who followed him for,
trascribing the same inscription Fauchier remarked upon, he goes on to describe in the same village
si veggonsi pure varie colonne antiche e parecchi rotarie di colonne di marmo cipolino. Non e
quindi inverisimile che questi monumenti siano per avventura avanzi di qualche tempio antico. He
mentions other column pieces nella chiesa di San Giovanni nel villaggio di Bujato - another
antique temple! Also vicino al vecchio Castello above Zante a brick pavement, from which he
deduces a temple of Venus or Apollo.
The Temple at Bassae, with its 38 Doric columns, was described in a reconnaissance in May 182954. 35 of
its columns were then standing ##HOW MANY NOW?? The anonymous author correctly describes the
pronaos, with ten ionic columns, or rather half-columns. From another undated (but late 18th century?)
reconnaissance55, we learn not only about the remaining walls of Phigalea, but also about Bassae. At Pavlitsa
(the site of Phigalea), on rencontre tout autour du village, surtout a l’Est ou s’elevent encore les restes d’une
porte et des murs bien conserves en belles pierres blanches comme ceux de Messenes la vaste enceinte de
l’ancienne Phigalee. On y compte vingt-cinq tours, disent les habitants de Pavlitza (so he apparently didn’t
go to look for himself). Nearby, to the West, antique columns have been incorporated into a church, dans
laquelle sont des futs de colonne d’environ 0m,50 di diametre, une colonne de marbre blanc, renversee, de
0m,80 et deux autres avec un chapiteau Dorique. The same happens in another church to the North-East, at
Ennlisia Tis panagias, where on voit a fleur de terre les vestiges d’un enceinte carree en marbre blanc.
Dans les mure de l’eglise dont la largeur est celle de l’enceinte, sont des colonnes d’un petit diametre qui
paroissent avoir forme un peristle suggesting a temple turned directly into a church. But close-by was a
much more important monument, named I Styli by the locals - The Columns. In the authbor's correct
estimate, this is le plus beau et le mieux conserve des monumens antiques de la Moree. He describes its
situation, confirms that as in his later colleague's day, 35 columns were still standing, and marvels that on
compte a droite et a gauche 15 colonnes sur lesquelles l’architrave regne encore sans fissure et sans
interruption … Malgre les debris qui encombrent l’enceinte on y retrouve bien distinctes les diverses parties
des Temples Grecs en general.
Long reconnaissances
French reconnaissances were also made away from the “European” invasion routes in order to be
prepared in the case of invasion of Turkey from Russia. Once again, these are often rich in
archaeological observations. Hence a Plan de la Ville et de la Citadelle de Kars (Armenie), dated 2
December 1853, attached to the MS Memoire sur l’Etat actuel de l’Armee d’Anatolie by M. C.A.
de Challaye, consul de France (in Istanbul) - in carton MR1620 (Turquie 1811-1840), and dated 2512-1853. This contains long description of the citadel and of the fortifications of Erzeroum (p.47ff),
and still expresses amazement at the construction: the enceinte is construite de pierres de grandes
dimensions parfaitement assemblees a chaux et a sable, et le revetement est forme par des pierres
de taille, jointes avec beaucoup de soin et de precision. For Kars, see pp.81ff. Of Kars’ citadel, the
author remarks (p.93) that les enceintes exterieures ayant ete construites a une epoque bien
anterieure au systeme de Vauban, ces ouvrages ne peuvent pas resister aux attaques de la Science
moderne et aux moyens dont elle enseigne l’application.” He makes a similar point about
54
MR 88/1628, Itineraire de la route de Navarin a Nauplie par Arcadia, SiderCastro, Suano, Tripolitza, les Moulis,
May 1829, pp. 16-17.
55
MR1628/88 fols 13-16.
14
Erzeroum: a strong site, with hills above it - though doesn’t state, but rather implies, that the reach
of modern artillery renders the citadel easy to destroy.
In an early 19th-century reconnaissance from Aleppo to Eviran56, the anonymous author visits
Edessa (Urfa), describes the fortress as in ruins (as it still is), and then the city walls, which have
disappeared: La forteresse meme, ainsi que les murailles de la ville, commencent a deperir en
differents endroits. On y voit des inscriptions siniatiques, grecques, latines, armeniennes, et des
peintures en mosaique - and says the fortress was built by King Abagar. Same document: notes of
the city of Diyarbakir (p.14_) that Cette ville, theatre de la guerre pendant plusieurs siecles,
conserve encore quelques vestiges de ses anciens monuments. Des inscriptions grecques et latines
se remarquent sur ses portes; et des peintures en mosaique et des bas-reliefs se trouvent dans
l’enceinte des eglises et en d’autres endroits.
On many occasions, we could wish for much longer descriptions. When Fabvier & Lamy journeyed
from Constantinople to Teheran at the beginning of the 19th century, their account57 takes in the
walls of Nicaea, which survive (Nicee au prermier aspect se presente d’une maniere imposante.
Une haute enceinte precedee d’une fausse braye et d’un developpement considerable l’entoure sur
ses quatres faces. Cette enceinte est for epaisse et quoique ruinee elle peut offrir une bonne
resistance. Elle est flanquee par un grand nombre de tours d’une assez belle construction). But all
Ankara's walls except for the Citadel have now gone, so more than the following would have been
useful, especially since the authors seem able to distinguish the various building periods with
accuracy: on observe dans la ville trois enceintes murees et flanquees de tours quarrees. La
premiere est moderne et composee de debris dont quelques uns ont appartenu a la belle
architecture romaine. La 2e et la 3e plus ancienne, cernant la partie superieure de la ville Ces
deux enceintes se reduisent a une seule qui couronne la tete du pic.
In March 1800 M. Tromelin made a reconnaissance58 right across Anatolia from South to North,
beginning in Cyprus and finishing in Constantinople. It is interesting because of the large quantities
of antiquities he records. He visited Phaselis (naturally by boat - there were no roads), then called
Porto Gennesse because the Genoese y avoient jadis un etablissement”. At Cnidus on l’on voit
encore les restes d;un vieux mole qui a ete detruit il y a peu de tems, and at Bodrum, he found a
Temple of Venus & Mercury on the right of the port [!]. At Mylasa he recorded the Temple of
Augustus (du temps de Pococke il existoit en entier un fort beau temple)and then visits the
mausoleum-like tomb, and the temple at Euromos. Proceeding across country toward Mount
Latmos, he comes across Alinda which, like everyone else, he misidentifies as Alabanda (which is
further to the East). J’y ai remarquee une grande quantitie de ruines, de grandes fabriques revetues
en pierres de tailles d’environ trois a quatre pieds de long, deux de large et six d’epaisseur. L’Aga
a etabli sa demeure dans une cour quarree, enfermee de ses murailles, un peu au dessus, environ
cinquante pas sont les ruines d’une grande fabrique. The building the Aga used on the ancient
agora has now completely disappeared, but the large building is the magnificent market hall.
MR1625, Description de la Route d’Alep a Eviran. No name, no date, but the Depot General de la Guerre stamp in
red bears a crowned eagle.
56
MR1673: Perse, MM Fabvier & Lamy, Route de Constantinople a Thairam [Teheran], undated but early 19thc: see
pp.6 & 22.
56
58
39/1617 Untitled account of a voyage from Cyprus to Constantinople by M. Tromelin, pp.33.
15
Tromelin calls this the palace, and describes the uses to which its remains were put: Le palais et les
portiques ornes de colonnes ovales sont detruites. Les habitants du pays me disent qu’un
tremblement de terre avait renverse ces monuments il y avait plusieurs annees. Mais je trouvais
troncons de ces colonnes ovales dans la cour de l’Aga que l’on avait creusee pour faire des
mangeoires aux chevaux attaches dans le cour… je visitais plusieurs des tombeaux dont parle
Pococke, et qui sont encore existants. J’en vis un carre ayant des bancs de pierre dans l’interieur
et ayant une corniche et un soubassement. J’entrai dans l’interieur divise en deux compartiments
et servant alore d’etables... le palais qui se trouve vers le milieu de la montagne qui est de granis
gris ainsi que les sepulchres, sert de retraite aux chamaux du village. On voit encore socles sur
lesquels etoient placees les colonnes de ce palais. Ils sont quarrees d’environ un pied et demi de
chaque cote ... Reusing tombs is common everywhere; at Alinda it was especially appropriate since
the walls of the city are on the side of the mountain, and some at least of the monumental tombs are
on the site of the present village59, on gently sloping ground between the ancient city and the plain.
(It should be underlined that two-storey tombs of the "mausoleum" type found at Mylasa make
excellent houses, with the people above, and the beasts on the ground floor.)
Having crossed the Maeander, going north, Tromelin finds he is travelling on an ancient road
across a marsh (that is, the flood-plain of the river), made from marble slabs, and repaired with
antique column-shafts. This is too far north to be the Sacred Way to Didyma (which he does not
visit), and is presumably north of Priene: nous nous dirigeames vers le nord pour gagner une
chaussee etroite et paree ayant environ quatre pieds de large et fournee de grosses pierres dont la
plupart etoit de marbre blanc. Souvent je remarquai des troncons de colonnes dont plusieurs
etoient cannelees. Cette chaussee peut avoir une lieue de long et traverse un marais immense alors
sous les eaux. On a pratique dans beaucoup d’endroits des arches sous cette chaussee pour le
passage des eaux. Cet ouvrage m’a semble du moyen age et trop considerable pour avoir ete fait
par les Turce. Cependant il n’y a rien dans la forme des arches qui puisse faire soupconner
qu’elles sont de construction antique; au contraire les ruines et les pierres, les futs de colonnes, les
morceaux de chapiteaux de marbre dont elles sont construites prouvent qu’on a employe les ruines
d’anciens edifices dans leur constructions. Cette voye s’affaisse journellement et le peu de soin que
l’on en a, la rendra bientot impraticable. Not only have antiquitgies been used to repairf the road:
they are also in heavy use in Turkish cemeteries. About a mile from Guzzel-Kissana the marsh
ends, and gardens begin, as well as a Turkish cemetery at the entrance to the village, dont toutes les
pierres que les Musulmans sont dans l’usage de mettre aux pieds et a la tete des cerceuils sont
toutes des troncons de colonnes de marbre blanc; beaucoup sont cannelees et peuvent avoir deux
pieds de diametre et quatorze ou quinze de hauteur, d’autres beaucoup moindre. J’appercus
quelques chapiteaux d'ordre corinthien, des frises et des architraves parfaitement travailles.
This was not the only reconnaissance Tromelin made, for in autumn 1807 he went through
Northern Greece, and to Thessaloniki60. Crossing the Vale of Tempe, north of Larissa, he came
across the remains of an antique road in one of the clumps of plane trees characteristic of the
region, which followed the side of a gorge, and with its full width excavated from the rock, and
pave du marbre qu'on en a extrait. Cette ancienne voie peut avoir de 20 a 25 pieds de large …
pavee de larges blocs de marbre, est partout bien conservee - and develops into une chaussee
ancienne encore praticable pour l'artillerie.
59
G. Bean, Turkey beyond the Maeander, London 1971, fig 52 for an illustration.
Genie, Article 14, Turquie: Carton2, 1786-1838, J. J. Tromelin, Officier d'Etat Major, Voyage en Turquie, writtenn
up 10 February 1808.
60
16
Reconnaissance at War: Algeria 1830-1845
Les routes romaines sont tres communes en Algerie; les cites, les castellum, ou stations fortifiees, et
les routes surtout se rencontrent a chaque pas. Chaque col, chaque position importante etait
pourvu d’une station qui consistait en un fort carre construit en fortes pierres de taille ... Il resulte
des observations que les Romains avaient trois routes strategiques paralleles entre-elles, et a la
mer61
In Algeria, which the French had invaded and were trying to pacify and colonise, Roman remains
were especially important, because they offered a lifeline to an army short of money, supplies, men
and backup. Reusing Roman forts save4d shipping building materials from France; Roman silos
provided storage for grain, and Roman aquedeucts and cisterns offered water. Roads were
particularly important, because of the need to move artillery around - so Roman roads were
frequently repaired.
Reconnaissances in Algerie generally follow a set pattern of ruled columns containing a listing of
salient features, and sketches where necessary. One example can stand for all: a anonymous
itinerary of 184262. It gives stages on the left-hand page, with sketches of rivers, defences, villages
where need be; and notes on specifics and on the road, on the right-hand opening. Some of the
sketches are detailed enough to be useful, such as the ruins at Doueira (p. 24v), the blockhaus (p.
38v) at Belidah, and Belidah itself (52v), this last described as guere en effet qu’un poche
d’anciennes constructions. We are also given (70v) a sketch of the aqueduct of Medeah, with its
two tiers of arches, and the Ruines d’un camp romain, dont l’enceinte est dessinee sur le sol par de
grosses pierres a fleur de terre near to Bervnaguiah (88v-89) – an irregular rectangle 160 metres
broad by 250 metres long.
Proof of the crucial need for reconnaissances and archaeology to join together in order to
supplement inaedquate modern maps of Algeria comes from a member of the Scientific
Commission on Algeria. E. Pellissier, writing in 184363, notes that Deja dans l’etat actuel des
choses, l’archeologie, partout ou nous pouvons penetrer, vient en aide de la geographie. En effet,
les Arabes laissent perir plutot qu’ils ne detruisent, les ruines des anciennes monuments sont
restees sur place, et ce n’est jamais sans fruit qu’on les fouille. Mais, dans cette contree dedsolee,
des ruines couvrent souvant d’autres ruines. Au dessus de la geographie ancienne, si nous pouvons
nous exprimer ainsi, la geographie Sarrazine qui, elle aussi, a ses obscurites. Combien de villes
encore debout du temps de Leo l’Africain et de Marmol, n’ont elles pas si completement disparu,
que l’emplacement en est presqu’aussi difficile a retrouver que celui des villes Cathaginoises de
Scylax? The author’s technique is then to compare what he sees on the ground, and then use the
ancient authors - Strabo, Ptolemy, and the mediaeval copy of an ancient map called the Tabula
Peutingeriana. His concern is to identify cities from antiquity, as a way of setting up his notional
route maps - but when he mentions ruins it is very matter-of-fact, and he does not describe them.
Remarking on the great number of ruins on the road from Constantine to Setif, he notes that first
11-13/1315, Lieutenant Montaudon, Memoire sur l’Algerie, 1844, p.30.
63-4/1314 Itineraire de la route d’Alger a Boghar, dated 1842.
63
MR1314: Algerie E. Pellissier, Memoire sur la Geographie ancienne de l’Algerie, 7 August 1843, 121 pages, written
at Sousse.
61
62
17
making a large-secale map, and then un simple rapprochement entre cette carte et la table de
Peutinger suffira pour leur donner, avec exactitude, les noms qui leur conviennent. Before we
laugh at the use of a mediaeval copy of an ancient map as a method of checking modern
mapmaking, and suspect (wrongly) that the French did not value accuracy in mapmaking, it is as
well to assess the problems the French faced in Russia and in Egypt, for both of which countries
maps were nearly non-existant BUT DOES THE TABULA DO EGYPT? In 1812, the French
began not only the invasion of Russia, but the preparation of a map of Russia, in at least 121 sheets.
For Egypt, they prepared a map of 47 sheets, including letterpress for 8011 italic words and 13,694
capital and roman words!64
Further proof that reconnaissances including notices of antiquities were considered useful as
opposed to simply academic comes from the French engagement in Algeria, when knowledge of
surviving antiquities became essential to their safety, signalling, food storage and water supply. In
Algeria, The French were treading in the footsteps of the Romans, and what their predecessors had
accomplished was used as a gtuide for strategy in war and colonisation, as well as an invidious
comparison with which to taunt those commanders whose actions were not consonant with Roman
actions and achievements. Chef de Genie Devay, , writing from Mascara on 11 April 1844,
provides a considered review of what the French were doing in Algeria, based on his
reconaissance65 of the Habra. to the West of Algiers. He begins: Puisqu’il est donne a la phase
actuelle de notre domination africaine de provoquer d’engager toutes les grandes questions qui
tiennent a l’essor futur de ce pays, engageons encore celle-ci qui prouvera que nous nous
attachons au sol et que nous voulons fonder sa prosperite sur des bases certaines et independantes
de touts evenements exterieurs. Ici comme dans toutes les localites ou les pensees et les projets
utiles nous inspirent nous retrouvons l’exemple des dominations anterieures. La premiere dont les
renseignements sont encore la ecrits sur le sol, la plus grande, la plus instructive de toutes, la
domination Romaine a laisse dans ces lieux des traces incontestables de son passage dans la vallee
de l’Oued-el-Hammam toute une ville est la pour ainsi dire encore debout pour attester l’antique
prosperite du pays. He goes on to discuss the cost of erecting a dam to re-fructify the country
around (and such a dam was indeed built). He has also found canals and dikes, which ne me
laissent aucun doute sur l’execution ancienne de cette disposition et sur la possibilite de son
retablissement avec le moins de frais possible puisque les massifs de culee et meme leurs
parements exterieurs existent encore; qu’ils paraissent solides et que l’on peut y appuyer en toute
securite un canal porte sur arc en bois et en fer. He concludes by noting that such work would help
colonisation here, et nous nous mettrons enfin sur la voie pratique rationelle et methodique qui eut
assure aux Romains la possession indefinie de cette terre d’Afrique et la Barbarie. La rage de
l’extermination ne s’etaient conjurees avec un ensemble tel que ceux qui se pretendent sages
croient ne pouvoir expliquer cette oeuvre immense de destruction qu’en en faisant honneur a
l’intervention de la providence nous resserrons un a un les divers noeuds de ce reseau colonisateur
dont la science politique de Rome avait cru devoir enlacer sa conquete et fortifier sa domination.
In 1832, on 7 July, General Boyer writes to the Minister of War recounting a sailing expedition to
the east of Algeria, with explorations on land by his ACD, Captain Tatareau, who found at Saguid
BeySultan constructions fort remarquables … plusieurs chapiteaux accouples, des troncons de
colonnes, des voutes ecroulees, et une muraille composee de grandes assises regulieres sans
64
65
3M262: Depot General de la Guerre, Impression et Gravure, Comptabilite, 18e siecle An XII-1814.
Genie en Algerie, 1H403, Reconnaissances, expeditions 1844- 1847. Reconnaissance de l’Habra, 11 April 1844..
18
ciment, restes, selon toute apparence, du bas Empire - and all this written whilst the French were
hanging onto the Algerian littoral by not much more than their fingernails. But such descriptions
had a military point, which was to underline to the Minister the value of the French presence, by
contrasting the barren present with the obviously prosperous past, marked as it was by imposing
ruins. As early as 1833, the officers of the Service Topographique were employed in drawing
Roman ruins - witness the sketches of ruins and inscriptions sent to General Pelet by Captain
Levret from Oran on 18 July 1833, explicating the Itineraire de la route d'Oran a Azzeo66. Again,
the ruins were useful, for the French were able quickly to erect a blockhaus nearby, sur une petite
hauteur ou on retrouve les restes de constructions romaines.
Unfortunately, the French preference for occupying Roman ruins could get them into trouble.
Captain Niel, who reconnoitred from the camp of Guelma in 1837, heavily criticised67 the position
the army had occupied there, which was in the ancient citadel, was in any case miserable in bad
weather: Il eut donc bien mieux valu s'etablir sur la route meme que d'aller chercher au loin des
ruines qui d'ailleurs sont difficiles a defendre a cause de l'immense carriere qui est aupres et des
tas de pierres derriere lesquels on peut s'embusquer a demi portee de fusil - in other words, useful
as the ruins were for the speedy rebuilding of defensible forts, the sheer quantities of debris offered
attackers too many positions from which to approach. From another account by Niel in the same
carton, we learn that the ground at Guelma was covered to a depth of some 1m50 by des debris de
colonnes en marbre rouge, des chapiteaux et d'enormes pierres de taille qui appartenaient sans
doute a des monuments publics. His account includes sketches of Roman inscriptions, a close-up
sketch of the walls at the corner towers, a plan of the area, and a view of the late antique enceinte
which shows it substantially intact. All these sketches and plans, and the subsequent plans
contained in the proposals for amending the fortifications put forward in successive years by the
Engineers, are of great historical interest, since much of what they represent has subsequently been
obliterated by the French occupation.
Not that Niel was against the reuse of Roman remains either toward the war effort or in bolstering a
rationale for the French occupation. He reconnoitred the route from Bone to Ras el Akba in 183768,
marking Roman ruins and roads on his sketch. He notes that the great marshy plain to the south of
Bone must have been fertile under the Romans, since on trouve par plusieurs points des ruines qui
prouvent qu'elle etait habitee, et ensuite on voit tres bien pres du pont de Constantine la trace d'un
canal. Two years later, he reconnoitred Constantine to Nedes, to determine whether a road was
practicable between Constantine and Bone, via the camp at L'Arrouch69. After recognising the
many Roman remains so far to the south that the French were unlikely to occupy them for a long
time to come, Niel noted the conveniently situated Roman fortified posts along the way: Si des
postes fortifies etaient juges necessaires entre les camps d'etape, on pourrait en construire avec les
ruines meme de celui qu'avaient etabli les Romains sur la rive gauche de l'oued Addarak don’t il
surveillait la vallee superieure. And then, just as in the time of the Romans, with the military in
place, and under their protection, les colons Francais favorieses par un si beau pays, pourraient
enfin se livrer a la culture de la terre… And during the years 1837-9 he made several
66
3M541, Depot de la Guerre: Algerie 1830-1836.
Genie 8.1, Guelma, Carton 1, 1837-1847, Reconnaissances du Camp de Guelma, 1 March 1837.
68
Genie 8.1 Constantine, Carton 1, 1836-1840. Reconnaissance signed 30 March 1837.
69
Genie 8.1 Constantine, Carton 1, 1836-1840., Reconnaissance faite en avril 1839 entre Constantine et la position de
Nedes, projet de route entre Constantine et Bone par le camp de L'Arrouch.
67
19
reconnaissances in the province of Constantine, all of which include useful comments on the
antiquities70. Of Constantine, he notes Les constructions ont presque entierement disparu; mais on
peut voir, par les traces qui en sont restees, qu’il en a existe de colossales ... un mur romain
suivait le trace actuel de l’enceinte, qui est parfaitement determine par la nature ... At Milah he
admires une piscine romaine assez bien conservee, qui s’appuie sur l’enceinte. Elle est defendue
par une enceinte romaine, ou du moins construite avec les pierres de l’ancienne cite romaine, qui
etait beaucoup plus etendue, si l’on en juge par les ruines eparses qu’on trouve en dehors des
remparts actuels. As for Djemilah, Les ruines de Djemilah presentent plus d’interet que toutes
celles qu’on a trouve en Afrique jusqu’a ce jour. Aucune occupation barbare n’a succedee sur ce
point a celle des Romains. le temps seul a detruit les monuments. Aussi on peut admirer leur belle
architecture et retrouver toutes leurs formes en reunissant les pierres eparses autour d’eux. For
Setif, the enceinte is described: Les materiaux sont sur place mais il faudrait les engine necessaires
pour remuer les enormes pierres de taille des Romains... – that is, he really is looking at all this
with a practical eye, because he needs to determine what work would be required to put the
defences in order for a batallion of 600 men. As for the citadel of Setif, he correctly sees that these
walls are from une seconde occupation ... Des pierres tumulaires, des chapiteaux, et des futs de
colonnes, forment parement dans les murs des deux enceintes - and the very size of the ruin field
indicates the importance of the Roman city. For Guelma, he notes the large quantity of columns of
red marble and beautiful cornices. The citadel is une reconstruction faite avec des pierres prises
dans les edifices deja ruinees, and had already been occupied by the first Constntine expedition in
1836.
Some officers became decidedly proprietorial in trying to keep to themselves the results of their
reconnaissances and local digs. At Guelma in early 1837, Colonel Duvivier prit le commandemant
de Guelma il fit paraitre un ordre du jour par lequel il ordonnait de conserver les inscriptions,
sculptures et medailles, en un mot tous les objets d’antiquite que pouvaient faire decouvrir les
fouilles pratiquees dans l’interet de la defense de la place. He designated Capitaine du Genie
Haquet to look after them. But then a visiting archaeologist appeared - M.Berbrugger qui, comme
vous savez, s’est livre sur les lieux a des recherches scientifiques, with the consequence that some
of the material that should have been collected by the army was being witheld and being shown to
Berbrugger instead. Captain Chagny wrote a letter to the Governor General71, protesting that this
was a waste of time: individually, the antiquities meant nothing; but assembled as they had been by
Haquet et etudies avec tout le soin et l’attention qu’ils meritent, ils deviendront des documens des
jalons precieux pour l’histoire encore incertaine de cette partie de l’Afrique. He therefore
petitioned the Governor General for another Ordre du Jour giving to Haquet everything found
since the foundation of the Place, et de tous ceux que les fouilles et les recherches a venir feraient
encore decouvrir.
The importance of Roman remains such as those at Guelma is thrown into relief by the failed First
Expedition to Constantine, because Guelma is roughly half-way between the coast at Bone, and
Constantine. The relevant carton72 includes letters pointing out the utility of Guelma’s ruins for
70
H227 Colonel Niel, Reconnaissances faites dans le Province de Constantine en 1837, 1838 et 1839 Quotations from
pp.27-34.
71
Genie en Algerie. 1H50: Correspondance 1837: Letter headed in MS Guelma: Instruction publique et beaux arts, 10
august 1837, to the GG from Chagny:
72
Genie en Algerie, 1H400: Affaires generales, expeditions et reconnaissances. Lettre a M. le Commandant Maumet
sur la 1ere Expedition de Constantine, 1 December 1836.
20
defence. One, which attaches Dureau de la Malle’s account in the Journal des Debats for 27 oct
1836 which suggests the same: Il reste a Guelma de nombreuses ruines de constructions romaines.
L’enceinte de l’ancienne citadelle est asses bien conservee pour y etablir en toute surete un poste
contre les arabes. This was quickly done, as we know from the Renseignement sur Constantine etc
by the Commandant de Rance: L’enceinte de Guelma, est faite en grosses pierres supperposees,
elle est en partie ecroulee, on travail [sic] en ce moment a la relever, ce qui se fera sans grandes
difficultes. And inside the walls is une grande quantite de pierres de taille, and quelques pans de
mur contre lesquels on peut addosser des hangars which would make barracks for the troops.. The
same dossier contains a transcribed account of Constantine par le voyageur Tchaw [sic], including
transcribed inscriptions - so the military was clearly interested in all the information they could get
on the place. Tschaw is the English traveller Shaw, and the carton contains his description of
Constantine’s triumphal arch, called le Chateau du Geant. How were the ruins managed if the
stones were so large? The same carton contains the 15 Feb 1837 Note sur Guelma et les travaux
qu’on y fait by Lieutenant du Genie Goy. The first evening they were there the French troops set to
to deblayer le pied des escarpes de relever les breches en pierres seches pour se mettre a l’abri
d’un coup de main. Les tour quoique leurs voutes sont detruites sont disposees de maniere a
pouvoir faire le coup de fusil a l’abri d’un mur de ronde, on a occupe l’ancien amphitheatre
romain par une maison crenelee en pierres seches une partie des anciens magasins romains a ete
recouverte pour mettre a l’abri les provisions. Again, as we see from a letter of 15 Fe b 1827 by
Lieut Col de Genie Guillemain to the Minister of War, Guelma included les ruines d’un ancien
temple ont favorise l’etablissement de quelques locaux propres aux apprivoisonnement de vivres,
les uns seront recouverts par une charpente et une toiture en planches…
The extent of French reuse of Roman antiquities is too great to expound here, but a few excerpts
from reconnaissances will give the tone and the horizons of French military thinking. The camp at
Khramis est eleve sur les ruines d’une poste Romaine et dans une position bien choisie, et de facile
defense. As for the amenagement of the camp, by the current commanding officer, Les fondations
de toutes ces constructions ont ete faites avec des blocs de gres, de forme cubique et qui formaient
le mur de l’enceinte Romaine de sorte que si plus tard on veut elever une etage sur ces
constructions premieres, on pourra faire supporter aux fondations le surcroit de maconnerie sans
qu’on ait a craindre de les voir s’affaisser73. At Tlemcen, Colonel Mercier reports in 183674 that
Les ruines d’une ancienne enceinte, qui couvrent tous les environs, attestent par leur etendue et par
le soin de construction de quelle importance etait primitivement – and he dates this enceinte to the
Middle Ages, or the Saracens. Milah is defendue par une enceinte Romaine ou dumoins construite
avec des pierres provenant de l’ancienne cite Romaine qui etait beaucoup plus etendue, si l’on juge
par les ruines eparses qu’on trouve en dehors des remparts actuels. Then gives length and
thickness of walls. Sur plusieurss points elle est en mauvais etat, mais on pourraita peu de frais, et
au moyen des pierres qui existent sur place, la rendre defensive75 Between Constantine and Stora,
Les traces de la voie romaine qui longe les falaises entre Russicada et Stora sont tres faciles a
suivre, les culees des ponts sur lesquels elle franchissait les ravins, sont encore en place et
pourraient meme etre utilisees – that is, the pillars are still in place, so just need to build the
73
MR4/1315, Capitaine Koch, Memoire sur le Levee a la Boussule des environs du Camp de Khramis des Beni Ouracs,
October 1843.
74
Genie en Algerie: 1H756: Tlemcen: L. Mercier, Colonel de Genie, Rapport sur la defense de Tlemcen, 5 Feb 1836:
75
Genie en Algerie, 1H401: Reconnaissances expeditions, 1838-9; Reconnaissance faite sur Milah 10-13 Feb 1838.
21
roadway over them76. As for the fort at El-Zarour [near Orleansville] there are ruines romaines.
Entr’autres les restes d’un chateau fort de forme rectangulaire flanque dans les angles et au milieu
des courtines par des tours carrees de diverses saillies. Les murs dont quelques uns sont encore
debout ont plus de 2 metres d’epaisseur ... La position est excellente sous le rapport militaire,
whilst at Kamiz des Beni Ouragh, they made a depot: On y trouve des restes de construction
romaine et notamment une grande quantite de pierre de taille faciles a remettre en place 77. Finally,
condemning French lack of adventurousness, Pretot notes in 183478 that on est frappe de la facilite
avec laquelle les Romains parcouraient ce pays ou nous semblans craindre aujourd’hui de mettre
le pied et cependant, a l’exception de l’etat des chemins, rien presque rien n’y est change – in other
words, the natives are still an unorganised rabble without real generals, forts or artillery. Or, in
another comment79,: Cette guerre d’Afrique, la plus couteuse, toute proportion gardee et la plus
desastreuse que nous ayons soutenu de temps immemorial, si l’on excepte celle de Russie...
Reconnaissance & Consolidation: Algeria 1845-???
Consolidation in Algeria entailed both further sorties into the interior, and the rebuilding of antique
enceintes in order to take cannon. At Djidjelli in 1849 the city walls, including those that closed off
the peninsula itself, were fortement endommages et presentaient d’enormes breches. Sur le reste du
pourtour de la ville l’ancienne enceinte Romaine que l’on reconnoit assez bien cependant ne
presentait plusx debout que quelques pans de mur Immediatement on a entrepris la reconstruction
de cette partie d’enceinte depuis le premier flanc jusqu’au roche de la partie ouest sur une longeur
de 140 metres. Les fondations Romaines ont ete retrouvees vers le niveau de la mer apres des
deblais considerables, elles etoient en assez bon etat pour servir de base a de nouveaux murs et
d’ailleurs leur trace satisfaisoit assez bien aux exigeances de la defense80 At Aumale (near the
ruins of Auzia (and where everything has now disappeared), a plan of the ruins was drawn up in
1846, L’enceinte seule quoiqu’elle n’ait point ete completement epargnee, encadre encore cet amas
de debris ... dans une grande partie de son pourtout, elle s’eleve sur quelques points a deux ou trois
metres du sol, traceant des lignes tres irregulieres sur les bords d’un escarpement ... La regularite
de cette disposition, la beaute et l’uniformite des blocs de pierre dont la muraille etait construit,
donnent une grande idee de ce travai81”. The blocks are 62-78cm high, with a length of 68-136cm,
set without cement, but with metal ties.
So enthusiastic were some reconnaissances that the suggestions they embodied could not be
implemented. In this category is Champion de Nansouty’s suggestion that Lambessa be made a
76
Genie en Algerie, 1H401: Reconnaissances expeditions, 1838-9, Reconnaissance faite du 6 au 12 avril [1838] entre
Constantine et Stora, pp.5-8.
77
Genie en Algerie, 1H402, Reconnaissances et expeditions, 1840- 1843, Rapport sur les travaux executes par les
troupes du Genie du 17 mai au 15 juillet 1843.
78
MR33/1314 Colonel Pretot Notices sur divers points du littoral de la Regence d’Alger, consideres dans leurs rapports
avec la conquete, le commerce et la colonisation ulterieure du pays, 7 January 1834.
79
39/1617: Algerie: partie de ce qui devait etre et de ce qui ne devait pas etre,. September 1840, p. 1.
80
Genie en Algerie, 1H922: DjiDjelli, considerations generales, fortifications de la place 1840-1876 , P.Durand de
Villers, Lieut de genie, , Djidjelli, Memoire generale sur les emplacements occupes par les troupes, 24 august 1849.
81
50-51/1315 2nd Lieutenant, Richard, Memoire et Rapport annexe au plan du poste d’Aumale et de ses environs, 1
December 1846.
22
central point of colonisation, because this is what the Romans had done82; likewise is Chef de
Genie Gaubert’s projected military colonisation83 around Tlemcen: the ruines immenses qui
sillonnent sa banlieu proclaim the antique importance of Tlemcen. The French could rebuild its
importance, and re-establish it because it is on a direct line from the Sahara to the sea. Les
Romains, dont chaque vestige de domination dans cette contree est une lecon pour nous. As for the
nearby position at Tikembritt, les Romains avaient fonde sur ce Mamelon, un fort dont les restes
sont encore tres visibles et dont l’enceinte qui a une enorme developpement est encore parfaitement
marque, les pierres de taille y abondent, et suffiraient a l’etablissement d’un poste moderne, car
dans notre opinion, il serait inutile de chercher a imiter ce travail gigantesque. But is the river
navigable to Tikembritt? Yes: en examinant avec attention les berges de la rive, on remarque au
pied du rocher une petite anse qui offre quelques traces de construction; tout porte a croire qye les
Romains s’en sont servis comme point de debarquement rien n’empeche d’agir comme eux. Also
too optimistic is General Charon’s 370-page Memoire militaire sur l’Algerie84, of 1848. He
suggests occupying Tebessa; Soukaras, on the Bone-Tebessa road, has good water, and les
materiaux propres aux constructions, tels que pierres a chaux, moellons a batir, pierres de taille, y
sont abondants.” Nearby, at M’da-Ouzonch is to be found l’ancienne Madaure des ruines
considerables et les materiaux de construction sont fort abondants a l’exception toutefois des
longues pieces de bois ... L’emplacement de l’ancienne cite serait tres propre pour une ville
nouvelle que l’on pouvait faire tres reguliere... In Roman times several ancient roads led to
Kalama, and en parcourant le pays on retrouve quelques vestiges de ces anciennes voies qui
peuvent faciliter l’etude de voies nouvelles carrossables.” And at Tiaret, les romains y ont laisse
des ruines assez imposantes qui ont servi de base a notre premiere occupation – indeed, where on a
utilise autant que possible les ruines de l’enceinte Romaine qui renfermaient une espace
irregulier de 130 metres de longeur et 100 metres de largeur ... On a conserve dans l’enceinte
provisoire qui suitavit le trace de la muraille de l’ancien poste Romain.
12/1975, printed book, Dr Bonnafont, Reflexions sur l’Algerie, particulierement sur la Province de
Constantine, sur l’origine de cette ville, ... etc, Paris 1846. On the ruins of Tiffech (valley of
mersouk-Khaal), pp.8-9, Nous comparions ces constructions grandioses et immobiles des temps
anciens avec ces habitations flottantes et fragiles des temps actuels!: He uses this to underline the
fecklessness and uncivilized character of Arabs: quand cet Arabe a passe sans emotion pendant
plus de mille ans devant ces creations imposantes de l’homme; quand il a pu rester indifferent a
tout ce que les Romains ont fait et execute devant lui; lorsque le temple de Sigus, la citadelle de
Tiffech, le port (? pont) de Constantine, l’enceinte de Milah, les citernes et le cirque de Russicata,
et par dessus tout le theatre et le superbe arc de triomphe de Jmilah n’ont reveille dans l’ame
engourdie de ce peuple stationnaire et indifferent aucun genre de progres en faveur de ce que nous
appelons civilisation; lorsque, disons-nous, ces monumens n’ont pu rien obtenir sur l’esprit de la
population nomade de l’Afrique ... ne doit-on pas desesperer de l’amelioration de cette race qui
sacrifie tout a l’habitude de son egoisme et a la manie de son independance individuelle? (pp. 1617). In fact, the pamphlet as a whole (59 pages) is occasioned by being in the south west of the
province of Constantine, where they found (p. 7) ruines nombreuses qui restent comme les temoins
82
59-60/1317 Lieutenant Champion de Nansouty & Sub-Lieutenant Durun, Memoire sur Batna et Lambaessa, avec les
recherches historiques, 13 August 1847, 33 pages and plans & croquis.
83
Genie en Algerie: 1H756: Tlemcen, Chef de Genie Gaubert, Projet d’etablissement militaire et agricole sur la basse
Tafna, 1 June 1847.
84
H229, General Charon, Memoire militaire sur l’Algerie, 1848, 370 pages.
23
des plus vrais de son ancienne splendeur. Near Buduxis, they found the ancient Sigus where (p. 8)
l’esprit de progres et de perfection dans les arts de cette epoque reculee se traduit
majestueusement par l’architecture de son temple aux vingt colonnes en marbre numide, moitie
croulant sur des piedestaux ciseles et ornes de belles inscriptions qui ont resiste aux ravages des
siecles et des conquerans plus destructeurs encore. Nous en admirames les caracteres qui ont
prevalu contre les siecles ecoules et qui, par leur fraicheur, semblent appartenir aux temps les plus
modernes. Then goes on to Tiffech ruins, nous revions devant ces debris silencieux et si bien
conserves des vainqueurs du monde (p. 9). He is still contrasting Romans (i.e. themselves - the
French!) with the Arabs on pp.12-13 - they’re nomadic, ignorant, fatalistic, with no notion of
property, and with “tant de preuves d’une resistance barbare a tout developpement intellectuel et
qui date de plus de mille ans.” He notes (p. 114) that, of all the ruined cities in the province of
Numidia, it is only Constantine which has been “constamment reedifiee et habitee par les
indigenes” - which is why he will now write on the origins of the city, pp. 14-20. Then pp.20-29 on
the character of the Arabs. But he never explains why Constantine has been so privileged, let alone
describes that city.
Conclusion: In the Steps of the Romans
M. Dureau de la Malle, writing about the antiquities of Algeria in the Journal des Debats in 1836,
suggested85 that his gathering together of ancient and modern accounts could be helpful in the
coming push to occupy Constantine. Statesmen and soldiers would profit from reading the
discussions topographiques which he gave in abridged form. He also stated his belief that a
member of the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres should accompany the army, to draw les
ruines importants, les enceintes des villes antiques, les inscriptions.
Modern life is perhaps insufficiently romantic to allow sentiments of close proximity to forbears,
but the French certainly felt it in their reconnaissances through the Ottoman Empire and especially
in Algerie where, like the Romans, they went as bearers of civilization. This may be illustrated by
the magnificent gesture of Colonel Carbuccia86, Commandant at Batna, who avait concu le projet
de reconsttituer la geographie de cette ancienne province romaine. Il fit sortir de ses ruines la ville
de Lambese, capitale de la Numidie, le tombeau de Medracem, des statues d’Esculape et de Jupiter
qu’il fit conduire a Lambese sur les voitures du train des equipages, faisant battre les tambours aux
champs sur leur passage. This in itself would have been sufficient; but Carbuccia also had his men
rebuild a funerary monument to the Centurion Flavius, added the inscription Le colonel de la
Legion etrangere a son collegue de la Legion d’Auguste – and then passed his men in review in
honour of his ancient predecessor.
85
Genie 8.1 Constantine, Carton 1, 1836-1840, M. Dureau de la Malle, Notice topographique et historique sur les villes
de Constantine et de Guelma, from the Journal des Debats, 27 & 31 December 1836.
86
J. Balteau etc editors, Dictionnaire de Biographie Francaise, Paris 1933ff., vol 7: Jean-Lucien-SebastienBonaventure CARBUCCIA, general. Bastia 14 July 1808, St Cyr 1825. Takes part in the Campaign of Algiers in 1830,
and distinguishes himself. Captain in 1834; Lieut-Colonel, then Colonel in 1848, commanding the 2nd regiment of the
Legion Etrangere; important part in the expedition of 1849. Called to Paris 1850, general 1852. Given a brigade at the
Crimea, but disembarked at Gallipoli in June 1854 and died 17 th July of cholera.
24
Louis Bertrand, Les villes d’or: Algerie et Tunisie romaines, Paris ?1921, p. 43, says Boissiere (in
his “Algerie Romaine” - I can’t find it therein) recounts the deed of a colonel, later General
Carbuccia. “On raconte donc que le colonel, arrivant a Lambese, apercut, dans le voisinage de
l’ancien camp romain, le mausolee en ruines d’un prefet de la 111e Legion, Quintus Flavius
Maximus. Il ordonna qu’on relevat l’edicule, puis, a la tete de son regiment, il defila devant le
tombeau de cet antique frere d’armes et fit rendre les honneurs militaires a ce soldat de Rome par
les soldats de la France. J’ignore ce que fut et ce que devint le general Carbuccia. Mais il sied de
l’admirer pour ce seul fait. Son acte revet une haute signification historique. Il n’est sans doute pas
le premier officier francais qui ait eu, en Afrique, devant une ruine romaine, le sentiment de la
continuite latine ... Mais ce Corse, en se proclamant, devant le mausolee de Flavius Maximus,
l’heritier et le successeur du Romain, a veritablement renoue l’histoire interrompue. Comme le
moderne Cesar, son compatriote, il a revendique pour les Gaules l’heritage latin a l’abandon [note
to me: check whether the legion at Lambaessa wasn’t the III Gallia - hence another tie with the
past].
Gustave Boissiere, L’Algerie Romaine, 2nd rev. aug. edition, 2 vols, Paris 1883, - and as a note:
Telles etaient les intentions de M. le marechal Randon, lorsque, il y a vingt-cinq ans, il chargea M.
Frederic Lacroix, ancien prefet d’Alger, de recherches sur l’histoire de la domination romaine en
Algerie (but he died before completing his work, although some fragments appeared in the Revue
Africaine). P.121: a Constantine ... les murs de la Casbah moderne portent, encastrees dans leur
pierres, comme des titres de noblesse, les inscriptions qui (p.122) decoraient les temples et les
monuments de l’Acropole.” P.127 quotes somebody unnamed “que la conquete de l’Algerie avait
mis a lumiere chez la nation conquerante tous les talents excepte ceux du colonisateur.”
Non-Military reconnaissances – where does this belong?
Pitton de Tournefort, Relation d’un voyage du Levant, 3 vols, London 1717. Gives some good vues
cavalieres, e.g. of Melos and Delos. Strong on illustrations of costumes and plants and food, and on
natural history generally (such as caves). The odd coin. p.I. 211: The island of Siphanto [probably
near to Melos] has ”Sur la porte de la ville par ou l’on sort pour aller au port, sont enclavez les
troncons de deux figures de marbre d’une mediocre beaute, l’une est nue et l’autre drapee. A un
coin d’une espece de tour quarree, a gauche de la porte du chateau se voit un bas relief de marbre
que l’on prend pour l’histoire de Tobie: je crois plutot que c’est le debris de quelque tombeau. On a
maconne dans le meme mur le reste d’un lion, qui ne montre que la tete et la poitrine. // (p.212) Le
fond de la porte du chateau est a deux arcades, soutgenues par un pilier de marbre octogone, sur
lequel on lit en caracteres gothiques MCCCLCV MI SLCE Yandoly de Coronia. Ce seigneur …
etait de Bologne en Italie…” p.I.
238: As for the chateau of Paros, “ses murailles ne sont baties
que de vieux marbres. La plupart des colonnes y sont posees de travers et ne montrent que leur
diametre: celles qui sont relevees supportent souvent des corniches d’une grandeur surprenante. De
quelque cote que l’on tourne on ne jette les yeux que sur des architraves ou des piedestaux
entremelez de grandes pieces de marbre, employees autrefois a de plus beaux ouvrages. Pour faire
la porte d’une ecurie, qui ordinairement celle de toute la maison, on dresse deux bouts de corniches,
dont les moulures sont admirables: on pose en travers sur ces pieces une colonne pour servir de
linteau, sans trop s’embarasser si elle est d’equerre e3t de niveau. Les gens du pays qui trouvent ces
25
marbres taillez, les assemblent comme ils l’entendent, et memes les blanchissent souvent avec de la
chaux. A l’egard des inscriptions, elles ne sont par rares autour de la ville; mais elle sont si
maltraitees que l’on n’y connoit plus rien. Les francois, les Venetiens, les Anglois ont emporte les
plus considerables, et l’on casse tous les jours pour la cloture des champs, les plus belles pieces que
l’on decouvre, frises, autels, bas reliefs; rienn’echappe a l’ignorance des Grecs…” p.I. 342ff:
description of Delos, with a view of the ruins. p.349: on ne voit dans ces ruines que marbres cassez
… la plupart des colonnes ont ete enlevees… pp.358-60 for the remains of the Apollo of the
Naxians, et les plus vieux habitans de Mycone ne se souviennent pas d’avoir vu cette figure
entiere… pp.362-3: he identifies and describes the portico of Philip of Macedon, and reads part of
the inscription. So all fallen down, but easily identifiable – but the architraves left there probably,
he says, because the top is scooped out [for lightness] II.175ff. description of the walls of
Constantinople, and transcription of the inscriptions he found in them. II.234ff for the Golden Gate:
les etrangers qui ne doivent pas faire un long sejour dans Constantinople, seroient blamables s’ils
negligeoient de voir ce spectacle; nous en fumes eblouis, et cette ceremonie [viz the visit and
inspection of the reliefrs] dura une demi journee: nous la vimes bien a notre aise dans la rue
d’Andrinople chez un particulier… II.444: the forst up the Bosphorus were still using pierriers,
“Erizzo capitaine Venitien n’ayant pas voulu baisser les voiles, eut la malheur de voir son navire
couler a fond par l’effet d’un boulet de pierre d’une grosseur prodigieuse…” III. opp.p.311: view
of Ankara, complete with its walls, and with a field of ruins outside it, and in the forground, and
columns strewn everywhere. P.322: Angora presentement est une des meilleures villes d’Anatolie,
et montre par tout des marques de son ancienne magnificence. On ne voit dans les rues que
colonnes et vieux marbres … Quoi que les maisons presentement ne soient que de boue, on ne
laisse pas d’y voir de fort belles pieces de marbre. // Leds murailles de la ville sont basses et
terminees par de mechans creneaux; mais on y a employe indifferemment, colonnes, architraves,
chapiteaux, bases et autres morce3aux antiques entremelez avec de la maconnerie, principaelement
(p.323) aux tours et aux portes lesquelles, malgre cela, n’en sont pas plus belles; car les tours sont
carrees et les portes toutes simples. Quoiqu’on ait engage dans ces murailles beaucoup de
morceaux de marbre du cote ou sont les Inscriptions, on ne laisse pas d’en lire plusieurs qui sont la
plupart grecques, quelques-unes latines, Arabes ou Turques… III.324¨Les trois lions qui font a la
porte de Smyrne sont assez beaux. And he gives inscriptions to be seen (by implication) nearby.
III.326: Le chateau d’Angora est a triple enceinte, et ses murailles sont a gros quartiers de marbre
blanc et d’une pierre qui approche du porphyre – and gives five pages of inscriptions he transcribed
from there. III.380: at Smyrna L’ancien chateau, bati par Jean Ducas, eswt au sommet de cette
colline; son enceinte est irreguliere et se ressent du temps des derniers Empereurs Grecs, sous
lesquels on employoient les plus beaux marbres parmi la maconnerie des murailles des villes. A
droite et a cote de la porte [of the chateau], est enclave dans la muraille le Buste de la pretendue
Amazone Smyrne, haut d’environ trois pieds; mais il ne paroit qu’il ait jamais ete fort beau, et les
Turcs l’ont maltraite a coups de fusils pour lui casser le nez… III.382 the circus est si fort detruit
qu’il n’en reste, pour ainsi dire que le moule… III.391 of the lower fortress at Emhesus, comparing
it with the upper citadelle, beaucoup plus belle et don’t les ouvrages etoient revetusx des plus beaux
marbres de l’ancienne Ephese iii. plate opp.397 of the Gate of Persecutions, showing the Gate of
Persecutions with the three reliefs as a frieze, where the frieze should go, in between the two
flanking towers.
H. Omont, Missions archeologiques francaises en Orient aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siecles, 2 vols, Paris
1902, consecutively numbered. pp.953ff Antoine Galland, Memoir des Antiquites qui restent
26
encore de nostre temps dans l’Archipel et dans la Grece (1687). P.957: On connoit tout ce qu’il y a
de restes antiques a Constantinople, mais on ne scait pas ce qu’il y a de curieux a voir a un kiosque,
que le sultan Soliman fit bastir sur le canal de la mer Noire, par dela un village qu’on appelle IngirKioi, pres de la coude que le Bosphore fait a cet endroit. C’est, parmy plusieurs colonnes qu’il a
fait mettre en travers pour servir de fondement a ce bastiment, une colonne de marbre blanc, qui est
historiee de pampres et de feuilles de vignes avec des bas-reliefs qui represerntent des choses qui
concernent la vendange. On tient qu’elle vient d’un temple de Byzance, qui estoit consacre a
Bacchus, don’t Petrus Gillius fait mention…”
27