the whole, and the whole in terms of the instance (cf. Hunston 2001: 31); taking
this a bit further, we might say that not only is each pattern necessary for
comprehending the sum total of similar patterns, but each pattern is
also a miniature version of that sum total, as shown by the fact that the
meaning of individual patterns (e.g. German ‘sonniges Gemu
¨t’ [‘sunny
disposition’ ¼irrepressible high spirits] vs ‘sonnige Lage’ [sunny location]),
even if shorn of any context, is evident to the native speaker.
This relatively recent view of meaning creation (Hoey 1991, 1998, 2000,
Feilke 1994, 1996) seems much more in keeping with speakers’ intuitive
knowledge about language than was the case in earlier structuralist theories.
The latter tended to assume that expressions such as ‘sonnige Lage’ have
both a compositional, literal meaning and a non-compositional, figurative
meaning (Feilke 1996: 128). In an intertextual or socially-based view of
meaning creation, the compositional meaning is exposed for what it is, namely
an abstraction of the linguist which has no base in the native speaker’s
mental lexicon; the expression ‘sonnige Lage’ is then considered to be a
‘holistic’ sign that is irreducible to the sum of its parts. In a related
development, computational and cognitive linguists have used corpus-linguistic
insights to work out models of language grounded in actual usage rather
than abstract general rules (Chandler 1993, Croft and Cruse 2003, Skousen
1989). In these models word or clause formation is by analogy with existing
exemplars, and it will be seen that such models can also be applied to
collocation.
This article reviews, one by one, the various defining criteria that have in
the last half century been called upon to define the notion of collocation,
pursuing a dual objective: (a) to show that none of these criteria apply in
all cases, so that we can at best give a prototypical definition of collocation,
and (b) to demonstrate that the problems associated with the definition
of collocation stem from the mechanistic, old-paradigm view of language
embodied in structuralist theories which try to impose theoretical abstractions
on an infinitely complex reality arising from communicative interaction and
the institutional practices such interaction puts in place. This will then allow
us to provide a more secure and more broadly based underpinning for the
treatment of colligation and collocation in lexicography. With the exception
of Steyer (2000), no such model has as yet been proposed.
The subject of collocation has been approached from two main angles:
on one side are the semantically-based approaches (e.g. Benson 1986, Mel’c
ˇuk
1998, Gonza
´lez-Rey 2002, Hausmann 2003, Grossmann and Tutin 2003) which
assume a particular meaning relationship between the constituents of a
collocation; on the other is the frequency-oriented approach (e.g. Jones and
Sinclair 1974, Sinclair 1991, Sinclair 2004, Kjellmer 1994) which looks at
statistically significant cooccurrences of two or more words. This theoretical
distinction is paralleled by a geographical divide: the semantic approach has its
410 Dirk Siepmann