Water (in)security in Gafsa, Tunisia: Hydrosocial Approach

Water (in)security in Gafsa, Tunisia: A hydrosocial approach
Chlo´ e Nicolas-Artero
a,b,*
, Fatma Karaouli
c
, Latifa Dhaouadi
d
, Zaineb Ali
e,f
,
Nadia Khelif
f
, Mongi Ben Zaied
f
, Mohamed Ouessar
f
, Elena Bresci
g
, Maria Cristina Rulli
a
a
Polytechnic University of Milan, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, P.za L. da Vinci, 32, Milan,
Italy
b
Institut de Recherche pour le D´ eveloppement, UMR SENS (IRD, CIRAD, Univ Paul Valery Montpellier 3, Univ Montpellier), Site St Charles 2, 71, rue Professeur Henri
Serre, Montpellier 34086, France
c
University of Gafsa, route de Tozeur, Gafsa 2112, Tunisia
d
Regional Research Center for Oasis Agriculture, Km1 route de Tozeur, Deguache 2260, Tunisia
e
University of Gabes, rue Omar Ibn Khattab, Gab` es 6029, Tunisia
f
Institut des R´ egions Arides, route du Djorf Km 22.5, M´ ed´ enine 4100, Tunisia
g
Universit` a di Firenze, Via delle Cascine, 5, Firenze 50144, Italy
ARTICLE INFO
Handling Editor - Dr Z Xiying
Keywords:
Water security
Semi-arid
Agriculture
Global south
Tunisia
ABSTRACT
The drylands of Global South countries offer signicant potential for agricultural development, often at the
expense of the sustainability of groundwater resources. This article complements quantitative approaches by
adopting a hydrosocial perspective to highlight the power and economic relationships that affect water distri-
bution. This study, centred on the Gafsa region of Tunisia, explores the nexus between intensive agriculture and
water scarcity. It delves into the political and personal measures adopted to address the challenges posed by
limited water access. The analysis reveals that the modernisation of agriculture, spearheaded by external in-
vestors, has led to the escalation of irrigation practices, ractices, resulting in a surge in water demand and
depletion of groundwater reserves. Wealthier farmers and investors have exacerbated socioeconomic disparities
by adapting more effectively to water shortages, further marginalising small-scale farmers. To address this issue,
the government introduced regulations limiting the extraction of groundwater and promoting alternative water
sources. However, these measures have not been successful, as the state has allowed illegal water extraction to
maintain social stability. This research sheds light on the ambiguity of Tunisia’s agricultural development
strategy and the contradictions in its water policy. The Gafsa case study offers insights into the global challenges
of intensive agriculture in water-scarce regions. Recommendations include the need for a more inclusive water
management framework that integrates the voices and needs of smallholder farmers.
1. Introduction
Tunisia is facing severe water shortages due to climate change and
current water appropriation regimes. Over the years, groundwater res-
ervoirs have declined in quality and quantity due to a mix of climatic
limitations and human actions, rendering it unsuitable for irrigation.
Consequently, this degradation adversely affects soil characteristics,
irrigation infrastructure, and crop yields (Haj-Amor et al., 2020, 2021;
Dhaouadi et al., 2021).
The lack of water threatens the agricultural sector and living
conditions of rural populations. This crisis is linked to the development
of irrigated agriculture, which consumes more than 87 % of the coun-
try’s water footprint (Chouchane et al., 2015). In recent years,
groundwater has become the primary water source for irrigation. Of the
total 430,000 ha, groundwater supplies 225,000 ha, or 55 % of the total
irrigated area, compared to 45 % of surface water (Minist` ere de
l’Agriculture, des Ressources Hydrauliques et de la Pˆ eche (MARHP),
2019). For decades, the nation has been a signicant exporter of agri-
cultural goods. However, the contemporary trend of modernising olive
plantations and other crops has led to a surge in water usage,
* Corresponding author at: Institut de Recherche pour le D´ eveloppement, UMR SENS (IRD, CIRAD, Univ Paul Valery Montpellier 3, Univ Montpellier), Site St
Charles 2, 71, rue Professeur Henri Serre, Montpellier 34086, France.
E-mail addresses: [email protected] (C. Nicolas-Artero), [email protected] (F. Karaouli), [email protected] (L. Dhaouadi), zainebali93@
gmail.com (Z. Ali), [email protected] (N. Khelif), [email protected] (M. Ben Zaied), [email protected] (M. Ouessar), elena.bresci@uni.it
(E. Bresci), [email protected] (M.C. Rulli).
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Agricultural Water Management
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/agwat
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.agwat.2025.109650
Received 23 January 2025; Received in revised form 26 June 2025; Accepted 30 June 2025
Agricultural Water Management 317 (2025) 109650
Available online 5 July 2025
0378-3774/© 2025 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier B.V. This is an open access article under the CC BY license ( http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ).

particularly in the central and southern regions, where agricultural
expansion continues (Lavie et al., 2023).
In Tunisia, policies and regulations related to water management
were outlined in the 1975 Water Code. Since 2019, there have been
multiple unsuccessful attempts to revise this text to better address the
current climate and agricultural conditions. The amendments proposed
in 2019, which were later voted upon by the assembly of People’s
Representatives, have been revisited by several committees since the
dissolution of the former Assembly in July 2021. The most signicant
proposals included the creation of ‘a body of inspectors’ to better
monitor groundwater usage, the establishment of a national information
system, and the strengthening of penalties for violations of the public
water domain (Ferchichi et al., 2024). In January 2023, the Council of
Ministers submitted a new Water Code to the Prime Minister for adop-
tion. Meanwhile, new policies and public action tools have been
implemented to mitigate water shortages.
The state plays a central role in water allocation and usage regula-
tion, particularly by creating and controlling Agricultural Development
Groups (ADGs) (Fautras, 2021). These local organisations, composed of
members of rural communities, are responsible for allocating and
monitoring water use in irrigation systems, agricultural areas, or grazing
lands. Despite the establishment of these organisations, the state im-
plements the main networks and infrastructure to provide water, as well
as ongoing care and maintenance. The ADGs act as intermediaries be-
tween the rural population and state institutions. However, the state’s
prerogatives regarding water control have declined since the 1990s.
Although groundwater legally belongs to the public domain of the state,
its exploitation for agricultural purposes has led to water privatisation
(Jouili et al., 2013). Access control hinges on the requirement of
extraction permits and the establishment of preservation and restricted
zones (Elloumi, 2016).
Several studies have examined water scarcity and the transformation
of agriculture in the Global South. Scholars have identied a boom in
groundwater pumping (Shah et al., 2003). The use of groundwater has
been a key element in the development of irrigated agriculture (Shah,
2010). While this initially had a positive effect in terms of productivity
and the development of rural economies, the situation tends to quickly
shift (Damonte and Gerardo, 2019; Budds, 2012). Overexploitation and
the lack of government capacity to regulate can lead to an ‘apparent
anarchy’ and exacerbate inequalities and injustices (Hoogesteger and
Philippus, 2015). In Tunisia, research methods used to study water se-
curity have primarily relied on quantitative approaches (Hamed et al.,
2022; Melki et al., 2022), documenting less the recent political issues
surrounding water access (Gharbi and Elloumi, 2023). To address this
methodological gap, this article examines water security through the
lens of a hydrosocial approach (Linton and Budds, 2014). This frame-
work considers scarcity not only from a technical or water availability
perspective but as the outcome of social relations shaped by power dy-
namics around water allocation (Swyngedouw, 2004). We propose an
analytical framework that operationalises water security applied to
agricultural transformations in semi-arid environments. This framework
allows for understanding the interdependent processes of water (in)se-
curity by integrating structural (political and economic) and local
(sociotechnical and actor strategies) dimensions (Loftus, 2015).
This article draws on a case study of irrigated perimeters around
Wadi El Kebir in the Gafsa governorate of Tunisia. Based on the
collection and analysis of empirical water-related data, it extends social
science reections on the rise of intensive agriculture and the trans-
formation of rural spaces in Tunisia (Carpentier, 2017), with a focus on
water access. This research aims to address a gap in empirical and
geographical knowledge by concentrating on the irrigated areas of the
Gafsa region, which has received relatively less attention in studies on
agricultural water management. Most studies have focused on phos-
phate mining in the mineral basin (Karaouli et al., 2009). The ndings
have signicant implications for other semi-arid and arid regions in the
Global South, where similar patterns of agricultural intensication and
water scarcity are emerging.
The following sections outline the theoretical and conceptual
frameworks surrounding the notion of water security, clarify the
methodological choices made, present the results of this analysis, and
conclude with key ndings.
2. Water (in)security and agricultural development
2.1. Agriculture and water management in Tunisia
One of the main development strategies in the Global South is to
increase agricultural exports to contribute to national macroeconomic
stability. Tunisia has followed this trajectory, implementing it since its
independence in 1956 and intensifying it with the economic liberalisa-
tion of the mid-1980s under the Structural Adjustment Program (Bhalla,
2024). Since the 1970s, Tunisia has implemented a regional policy for
the planning of resource use rationalisation and the modernisation of
hydraulic infrastructure, particularly in the southern oases (Southern
Regional Water Use Master Plan – PDES –; Southern Oasis Irrigation
Improvement Project – APIOS –) (Carpentier, 2021). All these economic
measures initially relied on water policies aimed at increasing water
availability through infrastructure development (large dams and small
ones, such as hill reservoirs and water conveyance networks) and a
growing understanding of groundwater resources, once perceived as
inexhaustible (Elloumi, 2016). By the mid-1990s, water policies shifted
towards reducing water demand. On the one hand, the National Water
Saving Program aimed to reduce losses by improving the efciency of
irrigation systems (Amami et al., 2024; Laajimi, 2007). On the other
hand, the management of irrigated perimeters was transferred from
public authorities to irrigation associations (Agricultural Development
Groups). Additionally, the two national water and soil conservation
strategies, which ran from 1990 to 2000 and 2001 to 2010, involved
many local activities. In recent years, economic diversication, popu-
lation growth, and urbanisation have intensied the pressure on water
resources, calling into question this water strategy and its agricultural
development focus (Carpentier, 2017). These challenges are further
intensied by the impact of climate change, which has caused a decrease
in water availability and a decline in water quality, particularly because
of widespread contamination from agriculture (Besser et al., 2022).
Water scarcities are becoming increasingly frequent, leading to usage
conicts and disputes (Gana et al., 2019; Carpentier and Gana, 2017).
Conicts over water sharing in rural areas are particularly acute in
semi-arid regions, where high levels of sunlight enhance agricultural
protability. These regions, which cover nearly the entire country, rely
on hydraulic infrastructure to access surface water and groundwater. In
particular, complex allocation rules (e.g. water rotation systems) often
govern surface water access (Riaux et al., 2015). These regions are
vulnerable to climate change, which causes prolonged droughts char-
acterised by reduced rainfall, increased temperatures, and greater
interannual precipitation variability.
Despite water scarcity, agriculture remains the primary water user in
these regions, following policies supporting agriculture initiated during
the 1958 and 1963 agrarian reforms (Bhalla, 2024). These policies later
pivoted towards export-oriented production under structural adjust-
ment programs and trade liberalisation (Lombard et al., 2006). Since
then, land tenure systems have become increasingly complex and
diverse. Local agricultural practices persist under pressure, particularly
in oases (Carpentier, 2017). Groundwater exploitation zones have
emerged and operate under various governance systems: some linked to
surface water usage governed by customary rights, others regulated by
administrative rules, and some entirely lacking regulations (Amami
et al., 2024; Gharbi and Elloumi, 2023). Frequently tied to land
ownership, water access mechanisms have diversied or eroded with the
rise in individual access. While the Water Code, along with other laws
and normative frameworks, aims to regulate usage at the national level,
local water sharing often relies on customary law, characterised by oral
C. Nicolas-Artero et al.
Agricultural Water Management 317 (2025) 109650
2

traditions and minimal formalisation, or even an absence of rules
(B´ edoucha, 2000). Additionally, the ad hoc creation of irrigator asso-
ciations (ADG), responsible for water distribution or the state-led rein-
forcement of associations, has weakened local management systems
(Romagny and Riaux, 2007).
2.2. Water (in) security: an analysis of a dual movement
Water security is a central concept in water research, and scholars
have widely used it since the 1990s. The term gained prominence in the
political realm during the 2000s with the publication of A Water Secure
World by the World Water Council (WWC, 2000) and Towards Water
Security: A Framework for Action by the Global Water Partnership (GWP,
2000). Among the key differentiating factors in these studies, the
methodological tools employed play a central role. Two main ap-
proaches emerge: on the one hand, quantitative methods based on in-
dicators, and on the other, comprehensive analyses relying on
qualitative data. The rst category adopts a quantitative perspective,
developing indicators to assess the effectiveness of the strategies
implemented to ensure water access (Molle and Mollinga, 2003; Octa-
vianti and Staddon, 2021). These indicators often dene measurable
thresholds, enabling the quantication of ‘water security’ or ‘water
poverty.’ In the international literature, researchers have applied these
tools across various scales, including global, national, urban, and local
levels (Mukherjee et al., 2022). Conversely, the second approach, rooted
in constructivist frameworks, focuses on the social, economic, and po-
litical processes that inuence water availability and access (Bakker,
2012; Loftus, 2015). This body of work highlights the structural mech-
anisms and processes that create water scarcity and lead to the unequal
distribution of resources. While these two perspectives revolve around
the same core issue, they reect distinct ways of understanding water
security: one focuses on outcome measurement and the other on struc-
tural causes.
This article adopts a constructivist approach to examine water se-
curity. Our approach stems from the epistemological positions of polit-
ical ecology, which holds that purely technical and biophysical analyses
are insufcient to explain and understand environmental change
(Robbins, 2012). More specically, we draw on the hydrosocial
perspective, which posits that power dynamics always shape relation-
ships between societies and water resources, and therefore we cannot
regard them as neutral or purely technical. We understand water here as
a social nature–that is, a product of social relations that carries both
material and symbolic dimensions (Castree and Braun, 2001). From this
perspective, water scarcity is not merely a matter of physical availabil-
ity, but must be analysed through the social relations that determine
who has access to water, when, how, and for what purpose (Bakker,
2009; Kaika, 2003; Swyngedouw, 1997, 2004). In Tunisia, research on
water access has predominantly adopted a quantitative approach. Our
study aims to contribute to this body of work by shedding light on the
social and political dimensions of water scarcity, through an analysis of
agricultural practices and the pressures exerted on groundwater
resources.
This study specically draws on the concept of water security to
understand the processes of water scarcity associated with the devel-
opment of intensive agriculture in Tunisia. A substantial body of liter-
ature has already explored this phenomenon in various contexts around
the world, highlighting common dynamics as well as the challenges
faced by governments in addressing them effectively. Our research
proposes an analytical framework specically tailored to the study of
water (in)security in rural areas, in order to examine these dynamics
within the Tunisian context. We dene water security as the ability of
actors to access water, whether for domestic consumption or irrigation.
Following Ribot and Peluso (2003), we understand ‘access’ as the ability
to derive benets from a resource. This denition moves beyond a
strictly legal conception of property and allows for the integration of
power relations that enable or constrain effective access to water.
We understand water security as a sociopolitical and spatial phe-
nomenon shaped by multiscalar hydrosocial and material relationships
(Jepson and Vandewalle, 2016; Budds, 2020). Engaging with the
concept of water security requires dening its scope to avoid the pitfalls
of an overly broad conceptualisation (Cook and Bakker, 2012; Jepson
et al., 2017; Octavianti and Staddon, 2021). An excessively inclusive
denition dilutes the analysis of multiple factors that contribute to the
social production of water scarcity. Specically, we propose analysing
the processes underlying both water security and insecurity simulta-
neously, as these two phenomena are closely interconnected (Loftus,
2015). To do so, we adopt a multi-scalar approach that integrates the
relationships between actors operating at various levels and examines
how these interactions inuence water access (Swyngedouw, 2004).
We propose an operationalisation of the concept of water security
from a hydrosocial perspective, in order to understand transformations
in water access within agricultural and semi-arid contexts. A multi-
scalar perspective is adopted to understand the interplay between
structural and individual causes. The analytical framework employed in
this research is structured around two main axes (Fig. 1). The rst fo-
cuses on understanding the hydrosocial processes that generate water
insecurity, allowing for an analysis of agricultural transformations and
the production of water scarcity. The second axis examines the actions
undertaken to address scarcity and re-establish water security. In both
cases, these processes are analysed through three interrelated di-
mensions: structural transformations in policy and political economy,
the strategic responses of local actors, and sociotechnical changes.
Thus far, the literature has primarily focused on water security in
urban contexts (Hoekstra et al., 2018). In such rural areas, complex
interactions arise, particularly due to competition for water resources
among the agricultural, mining, and household sectors. Additional
challenges include issues related to water quality and the diversity of
modes of access used by households for domestic consumption (rivers,
wells, collective networks, rainwater harvesting, bottled water, and
water tankers) (Chlo´ e et al., 2022). This article examines the crosscut-
ting elements of these issues to understand the processes generating
water insecurities in rural areas. It also looks at the responses imple-
mented by various actors (institutional, agricultural, and residential) to
ensure water security for affected populations.
3. Methodology
This article focuses on the study of irrigated sectors around Wadi El
Kebir in Tunisia (Fig. 2). This Wadi is located in the Gafsa governorate,
specically within the El Kebir Basin. The governorate has a total pop-
ulation of 355,900, including over 95,000 residents in the capital city of
Gafsa. The annual rainfall ranges between 100 and 250 mm, with sig-
nicant seasonal and interannual variations. Rivers such as Wadi El
Kebir, which are often dry in summer, experience ooding at the
beginning and end of winter (Ali et al., 2023b). This geographic setting
provides high solar exposure, which supports the development of
intensive export-oriented agriculture. The main irrigated crops grown
using either surface or drip irrigation include olives, almonds, and ce-
reals. The region has experienced an expansion of intensive agriculture
in the context of decreasing water availability owing to climate change.
Recent studies (Ali et al., 2023a, 2023b) emphasise the importance of
integrating advanced tools to address the pressing challenges of water
resource management in drylans. One such tool, ClimInonda, is a
web-based application designed for the efcient management of climate
data. Additionally, a hybrid methodology combining Fuzzy Analytical
Hierarchy Process (AHP) and Frequency Ratio (FR) has been employed
to assess ood susceptibility with greater accuracy. This approach
combines the strengths of subjective expert judgment and data-driven
statistical analysis to identify ood-prone areas, particularly in regions
like the Wadi El Kebir, where hydrological systems are signicantly
inuenced by extreme weather events and variable rainfall patterns.
The irrigation system in Gafsa has two distinct dynamics. On the one
C. Nicolas-Artero et al.
Agricultural Water Management 317 (2025) 109650
3

hand, in the Gafsa oasis, crops are organised in three layers. Beneath the
upper layer formed by date palms, farmers cultivate olive trees. The
lower layer is dedicated to vegetables and fodder crops. In these agro-
systems, farmers irrigate using a collective network managed by Agri-
cultural Development Groups ADGs. The method adopted for irrigation
is through water rotation turns between farmers from 7 to 15 days and
can exceed a month if there is damage to the well or the main network.
Outside Oasis, agricultural zones have emerged, so-called ‘extensions’;
farmers adopt an intensive farming model on larger plots (Carpentier,
2021). In such cases, irrigation relies on legal or illegal wells that may be
either individually or collectively owned. Many wells have solar systems
that involve actors from the energy sector, such as the National Agency
Fig. 1. Conceptual framework. The gure summarises the dimensions studied to understand the factors that contribute to the formation of water scarcity situations
by reinforcing water insecurity process, and those that, on the contrary, tend to ensure water security. The rst three dimensions are: agricultural modernization,
actors in agricultural modernization and water uses and irrigation techniques. The remaining three dimensions are: agricultural policies, emergency measures and
assistance, and alternative water technologies and uses.
Fig. 2. Localisation of the case study in Gafsa, Tunisia. Map of the study area in the Gafsa region, Tunisia, showing the case study basin with its main cities, hydraulic
infrastructures, agricultural areas, and the river.
Sources: (Ali et al., 2023b).
C. Nicolas-Artero et al.
Agricultural Water Management 317 (2025) 109650
4

for Energy Management (ANME) and Tunisian Electricity and Gas
Company (STEG). In Tunisia, the conservation and regulation of
groundwater resources fall under the purview of the Ministry of Agri-
culture, which delegates these responsibilities to the Regional Agricul-
tural Development Commission (CRDA) at the regional level. In
response to water scarcities, several policies and instruments have been
implemented to enhance the water security of the local populations.
The Wadi El Kebir basin constitutes a pertinent case study for
examining water insecurity due to its intricate hydrological, socio-
economic, and political characteristics. The basin’s scarce and highly
variable water resources are essential for both small-scale agricultural
activities and domestic consumption, thereby serving as a critical
context to investigate community adaptation strategies to water scar-
city. Traditional agricultural systems in this area are particularly
vulnerable to climatic uctuations and evolving socio-economic condi-
tions, reecting wider regional dependencies on fragile water resources.
Furthermore, regional water policies expose governance issues and so-
cial inequities, highlighting tensions between marginalised local pop-
ulations and centralised decision-making institutions. The basin’s
peripheral location within an arid climate further accentuates spatial
disparities in water availability. This complex setting aligns with a
hydrosocial analytical framework, wherein water insecurity is under-
stood as a product of intersecting environmental constraints, social dy-
namics, and political power relations.
The investigation stems from observations and interviews (8) con-
ducted in Gafsa in October 2023. The team held several informal dis-
cussions and interviews with the farmers, residents, managers, and
employees of the Gafsa water treatment plant during an ofcial visit.
The questions aimed to understand the rise of intensive agriculture, its
effects, and possible solutions to address it. Furthermore, we conducted
participatory workshops involving stakeholders as part of the PRIMA
project A G Wamed, allowing data collection on agricultural water
conditions and non-conventional water sources. Moreover, we con-
ducted semi-structured interviews in person and remotely with ofcials
from the Tunisian Ministries of Agriculture, Water Resources, and
Maritime Fisheries. All participants gave their informed consent to take
part in the project, and we conducted the research in compliance with
the European standards for research projects. To document water stra-
tegies and policies, we reviewed public policy documents, ofcial legal
texts, and reports produced by NGOs and national and international
institutions. To address potential biases in secondary sources, we cross-
validated information across multiple documents and organisations and
critically assessed each source’s reliability to ensure balanced and robust
ndings.
4. Results
In this section, the research ndings are presented in two parts and
summarised in Tables 1 and 2. The rst part highlights the processes of
agricultural modernisation that result in situations of water insecurity.
The second section outlines the responses of various actors aimed at
ensuring water security for rural populations.
4.1. Intensive agriculture and the production of water insecurity
The agricultural sector in El Kebir has witnessed the rise of a capital-
intensive and water-demanding model, while at the same time, water
insecurity has worsened for certain actors. The development of intensive
agriculture has followed varied trajectories in Tunisia, with many ‘ex-
tensions’ emerging outside traditional oases (Carpentier, 2017). In El
Kebir, various actors have driven this process of agricultural modern-
isation. On the one hand, Italian investors have established
agro-industrial companies to produce olives and olive oil for interna-
tional markets. This increase in olive cultivation is part of a national and
post-revolutionary context for intensifying olive production through
irrigation, promoted by the FAO (Lavie et al., 2023). On the other hand,
entrepreneurs from other regions, particularly Sfax, have invested in
olive, pistachio, and almond crops in both domestic and export markets.
Lastly, the region contains many individuals engaged in illicit trade
activities across the Algerian frontier.
The acquisition of land by residents or farmers who have abandoned
their activities has led to the development of intensive agriculture and
the resulting transformation of the agrarian structure. For these farmers,
the scarcity of water and the rising costs associated with obtaining
them —due to the expenses of well installations and access to elec-
tricity —reduce the protability of their activities. This is particularly
true for farmers with smaller landholdings (Amami et al., 2024).
These intensive crops require large quantities of water, which has led
to changes in water uses and irrigation techniques. In El Kebir’s agri-
cultural extensions, entrepreneurs install deep wells to support their
intensive farming activities. The water code allows unrestricted access
to aquifers located at depths of less than 50 m. Thus, landowners can
freely access groundwater and extract as much water as they wish
without restrictions, except in designated conservation areas. In such
cases, the extraction costs limit the cost of water, with no additional fees
imposed on users.
Faced with a decline in groundwater levels due to decreased pre-
cipitation and increased water withdrawal, farmers are drilling deeper
wells. These wells require prior authorisation, with a specied water
ow rate, in exchange for the payment of a symbolic fee. On a national
scale, the yearly extraction of deep aquifers has grown signicantly,
from 1127 million cubic metres per year in 2004 to 2084 million cubic
metres per year in 2021. This represents 80 % of the total available deep
aquifer resources, with an extraction rate of 146 % (Ferchichi et al.,
2024). However, in El Kebir, the government has stopped issuing new
permits, leading farmers to rely on their nancial means to deepen their
wells and construct illegal wells in order to access water. Nevertheless,
to use their wells, farmers need access to electricity and drilling
authorisation from the National Electricity and Gas Company. In line
with the Ministry of Agriculture’s policy, the company no longer
installed connections to supply electricity to wells. To circumvent this
Table 1
Synthesis of the hydrosocial processes of water (in)security.
Process Description
Actors of modernisation Italian companies, entrepreneurs from other
regions, or from smuggling
Land acquisition
Modication of water uses and
irrigation techniques
Request for water rights concessions from the
Ministry of Agriculture or illegal extractions.
Drilling, electricity connection, or autonomous
production with solar panels.
Water scarcity situations Drought and shortage.Inequalities among
farmers in the face of the shortage.Domestic
waters of rural populations are most affected.
The table provides empirical elements and ndings on the three processes that
produce water insecurity and therefore lead to water scarcity situations.
Table 2
Synthesis of the hydrosocial processes of water security.
Process Description
Agricultural policies and
strategies
State: stops granting concessions and invests in soil
and water conservation.Farmers: cessation or
modication of crops.
Alternative water
technologies and uses
Farmers: installation of drip irrigation.Non-
conventional water: willingness to use soil and water
conservation works and reuse of wastewater from
Gafsa.
Emergency measures and
assistance
Tolerance of illegal extractions.Water distribution by
tanker truck for rural populations.
The table presents empirical elements and ndings on the three processes that
strengthen water security and help to address water scarcities.
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Agricultural Water Management 317 (2025) 109650
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