Proverbs and the African Tree of Life Studies in Systematic Theology Series Editors Stephen Bevans (Catholic Theological Union) Miikka Ruokanen (University of Helsinki/Nanjing Union Theological Seminary) Advisory Board Wanda Deifelt (Luther College, Decorah) Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen (Fuller Theological Seminary, Pasadena) Jesse Mugambi (University of Nairobi, Nairobi) Rachel Zhu Xiaohong (Fudan University, Shanghai) VOLUME 16 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/sist Proverbs and the African Tree of Life Grafting Biblical Proverbs on to Ghanaian Eʋe Folk Proverbs By Dorothy BEA Akoto-Abutiate LEIDEN | BOSTON Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Akoto-Abutiate, Dorothy B.E.A., author. Proverbs and the African tree of life : grafting Biblical proverbs on to Ghanaian Eve folk proverbs / by Dorothy BEA Akoto-Abutiate. pages cm. -- (Studies in systematic theology ; Volume 16) ISBN 978-90-04-27440-2 (pbk. : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-90-04-27447-1 (e-book) 1. Bible. Proverbs-Criticism, interpretation, etc. 2. Proverbs, Ewe. 3. Christianity and other religions--African. I. Title. II. Series: Studies in systematic theology (Leiden, Netherlands) ; v. 16. BS1465.52.A36 2014 223.70609667--dc23 2014019819 This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, ipa, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1876-1518 isbn 978-90-04-27440-2 (paperback) isbn 978-90-04-27447-1 (e-book) Copyright 2014 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Global Oriental and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper. To my parents The Very Reverend Andrew Kwame Alifo Abutiate and Mrs. Josephine Afi Wosordoe Attipoe Adonu Abutiate (of Blessed Memory), Who Trained me, Showed me the love of God and Prayed for me that I will achieve the best in life and made me into who I am and my family: Monie Johnny Yao; Stephen O.K., Etornam E.K., Maakporye E.A. and Dzifa-Georgia A.A. Akoto ∵ Contents List of Abbreviations x 1 Introduction 1 1.1 General Introduction: A Brief Description of the ‘Grafting’ Metaphor 1 1.2 African/Eʋe Traditional Religion/s 6 1.3 Hermeneutic Orientations: Biblical Hermeneutics and the ‘Hermeneutics of Grafting’ 10 1.4 Earliest Attempts at Understanding the Bible in Africa 14 1.4.a Baeta on “The Critique of Missionary Religion” 15 1.4.b Dickson on “Theology in Africa” 17 1.5 Other Attempts at Understanding the Bible in the African Cultural Context: Hermeneutical Strategies/Metaphors 18 1.5.a Adadevoh on “Christianization as Dynamic Religious Encounter” 18 1.5.b Dzobo on “The Cultivation of True African Humanity as Spiritual Development and Transformation” 19 1.5.c Martey on “Inculturation” and “Liberation” 20 1.5.d Ukpong on “Inculturation Biblical Hermeneutics” 21 1.5.e Oduyoye on “Theological Reflections in Africa” 22 1.5.f West on “Indigenization” and “Transaction” 24 1.5.g Ariarajah on the “Transplantation” of the Gospel 27 1.6 Conclusions 28 2 The Eʋe-Speaking Peoples 31 2.1 An Introduction to the Eʋe-Speaking Peoples 31 2.2 The Values or Virtues of Eʋe Proverbs: A Conversation with Noah K. Dzobo’s Collection of African [Eʋe] Proverbs 32 2.3 Procedure for Analyzing the Characteristics of Eʋe Folk Proverbs 35 2.4 Types or Forms of Eʋe Folk Proverbs 38 2.5 The Virtues of “Diligence” and “Humility” 43 2.5.a Diligence 43 2.5.b Negative Proverb Forms 44 2.5.c Laziness and Poverty 47 2.5.d Acts and Resulting Consequences 50 2.5.e Perseverance and Determination Spell Success 53 2.5.f Order of Relationships 59 viii Contents 2.6 The Virtue of “Humility” 63 2.6.a Children—Awareness of Abilities/Capabilities 64 2.6.b Young Animals 68 2.6.c Other Animals 70 2.6.d Small Things/Agricultural Imagery 72 2.6.e Community Rules Governing Residents and Strangers 74 2.6.f Parts of the Human Body 77 2.6.g Natural Phenomena/Things 80 2.6.h Discipline 83 2.7 Conclusions 88 3 The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” in Eʋe Folk Proverbs 89 3.1 Introduction to “Prudence” and “Sociability” 89 3.2 The Virtue of “Prudence” 90 3.2.a Better-Than Proverbs 91 3.2.b Transience of the Human Condition 93 3.2.c Act-Consequence 96 3.2.d Assessing Abilities 97 3.2.e Appropriate Reactions to Situations 100 3.2.f Adjustment to Change 103 3.2.g Rifts 106 3.3 The Virtue of “Sociability” 109 3.3.a Pride in What One Owns 110 3.3.b Sharing Resources 113 3.3.c Personal Relationships 116 3.3.d Mindfulness of One’s Own Personal Business 119 3.3.e Selflessness and Communality 120 3.3.f Value of Every Member of the Community 125 3.3.g Tradition and Orderly Procedure 127 3.3.h Vitality 130 3.4 Conclusions 132 4 ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 On to the African Ghanaian Eʋe Tree of Life—Eʋe Folk Proverbs 133 4.1 An Introduction to the Origins of the Book of Proverbs 133 4.2 “Farm” versus “School” 135 4.2.a “Farm” 135 4.2.b “School” 137 4.3 Juxtaposing Proverbs 25–29 and Eʋe Folk Proverbs 141 C ontents ix 4.4 The Virtue of Diligence—kutrikuku 143 4.4.a Proverbs’ ‘Shoots’ Promoting Diligence 144 4.4.b Grafting Conclusions 150 4.5 The Virtue of Humility—ðokuibɔbɔ 150 4.5.a Proverbs’ ‘Shoots’ Promoting Humility 151 4.5.b Grafting Conclusions 156 4.6 The Virtue of Prudence—ŋuđɔđɔđo 156 4.6.a Proverbs’ ‘Shoots’ Promoting Prudence 157 4.6.b Grafting Conclusions 166 4.7 The Virtue of Sociability—amedomesɔsɔ 166 4.7.a Proverbs’ ‘Shoots’ Promoting Sociability 167 4.7.b Grafting Conclusions 172 4.8 Relevance of the ‘Hermeneutic of Grafting’ for Teaching the Bible in Contemporary African Christian Contexts 173 4.9 Conclusions on the ‘Hermeneutic of Grafting’ 176 Selected Bibliography 179 Index of Ancient Sources 196 Index of Modern Authors 198 Index of Subjects 201 List of Abbreviations abd ael air ane A/etr atr bhs btb bts bwant bwl bzaw cts etr hb idb itc jbl jps jsot JSOTSup nrsv obo ote otl p.e. rv sblds sblss scm tdot vt VTSup Anchor bible Dictionary Ancient Egyptian Literature, Lichtheim 1973–1980 Ancient Israelite Religion Ancient Near East African/Eʋe Traditional Religion/s African Traditional Religion/s bhs Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, ed. K. Elliger and W. Rudolph (Stuttgart: Deutsche Biblestiftung, 1977) Biblical Theology Bulletin Biblisch-Theologische Studien Beiträge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten (und Neuen) Testament Babylonian Wisdom Literature Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die altestamentliche Wissenschaft Chicago Theological Seminary Eʋe Traditional Religion/s Hebrew Bible Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible Interdenominational Theological Center Journal of Biblical Literature Jewish Publication Society – Hebrew-English tanakh Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement New Revised Standard Version Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis Old Testament Essays Old Testament Library Personal Experience Revue Biblique Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series Society of Biblical Literature Semeia Studies Studies in the Christian Movement Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament Vetus Testamentum Supplements to Vetus Testamentum L ist of Abbreviations wbc wmant wcc wtt zaw Word Biblical Commentary Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament World Council of Churches Leningrad Hebrew Old Testament Zeitschrift für die altestamentliche Wissenschaft xi Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 General Introduction: A Brief Description of the ‘Grafting’ Metaphor Proverbs and the African Tree of Life: Grafting Biblical Proverbs on to Ghanaian Eʋe Folk Proverbs uses the agricultural art of grafting as a metaphor to discuss selected proverbs from the Book of Proverbs in the Hebrew Bible and some Eʋe1 folk proverbs from the Ghanaian cultural context. The book views both sets of proverbs as ‘trees of life’. By viewing these two sets of proverbs as ‘trees of life’, this book articulates and models a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’,2 in which the agricultural art of grafting figuratively provides a model for understanding how the Book of Proverbs might be adequately understood and engaged in an African Ghanaian Eʋe context. In traditional grafting, a shoot or a small piece of one plant is spliced into another full-grown plant. This grafting, which results in the blending of the two plants, produces a new sort of hybridized plant with fruits that taste differently from the fruits of either of the two plants involved in the grafting. In the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ developed here a few ‘shoots’ from the biblical proverbial tree of life (i.e., the Book of Proverbs) are grafted on to the African Ghanaian Eʋe tree of life (i.e., Eʋe folk proverbs). 1 The word Eʋe is a two-syllabled word pronounced variously as E-wey, E-vey, E-bey. The first syllable, e, sounds like the English letter “e” in “ebony.” The second syllable “ʋe” begins with a bilabial sound, pronounced with both lips slightly opened, pushed forward and a strong vibrating puff of air blown out between the opened lips. The resulting sound is like a very strong b/v (similar to the Hebrew “bet”/”vet”) without the b/v sound. The word, Eʋe, ends with the vowel “e,” which sounds like the second e in “effect.” Eʋe stands for both the name and the language spoken by the group of African peoples, who live in Ghana, Togo, Benin and parts of the Niger basin. The Eʋe language is also called “Eʋegbe,” a compound name, which means Eʋe language. Even though the sayings analyzed in this book are mostly Eʋe folk proverbs from Ghana, other African countries, like Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania, Cameroon, etc., to name a few, also have similar sayings, which have similar application contexts. Some of the sayings can also be found among non-African peoples elsewhere in the world. 2 This phrase was coined by the present author in 2007 as a metaphorical description for how scripture is heard in African contexts in general. See Dorothy BEA Akoto (née Abutiate), “Hearing Scripture in African Contexts: A Hermeneutic of Grafting,” in ote 20/2 (2007), 283–306 and Akoto, “Biblical Interpretation and Postcolonialism: A Hermeneutical TheoQuake of Grafting,” in Journal of Commonwealth and Postcolonial Studies Special Issue: Religion and Postcolonialism, vol. 15 No. 1 (Spring 2008), 5–30. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004274471_002 2 Chapter 1 The notion of a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ depends on, and grows out of other efforts to articulate an adequate hermeneutic for the understanding of the Bible by African peoples. It, therefore, avoids the ongoing, perhaps even unintentional privileging of Western cultural and moral expressions of the biblical text, which are often used in other hermeneutics developed in African contexts. Additionally, it avoids using academic jargons like inculturation, acculturation, indigenization and others developed in the West. The ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ favors a concrete image of an agricultural practice, which is widely known in Eʋe and other African cultures. Furthermore, although the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ developed and modeled in this book is undertaken only in relationship to the biblical Book of Proverbs and Eʋe folk sayings, the main features of this hermeneutic may also be relevant for understanding how other biblical discourses might be grafted on to other sorts of African discourses that are more adequately encountered and engaged in Africa. Additionally, even though the sayings used in this book are mainly Eʋe folk sayings, most of them are used among other African peoples as well as elsewhere in the world. The use of the imagery of trees in this book is very appropriate due to the prevalence and importance of trees in the biblical texts, the ancient Near Eastern cultural milieu, the Ghanaian Eʋe and other African contexts. In Ghana, as well as elsewhere, trees provide shade, food, firewood for cooking, and warmth, as well as lumber for building and furniture.3 Trees are also commonly used for making wooden images for different purposes, which include the representation of deities and the homes of such deities. As such, they are venerated through sacrifices,4 which are often made to the gods around or under trees. These descriptions of trees make them sacred symbols of life. The sacredness of trees as symbols of life is given expression in the Eʋe cultural contexts and in the African world view in general, in which it is believed that a mythical ‘tree of life’ from which all living things (especially, human life) originated, exists in the netherworld or underworld. This idea is further enhanced by John S. Mbiti’s assertion that in the physical world of the African cosmogony, the wild fig tree and the Baobab tree are two of the most sacred trees.5 Perhaps, of these two trees, the more significant in the African cultural context is the Baobab tree, which can be designated as ‘the tree of life’. The importance 3 1 Sam. 25:8; 30:12; Isa. 28:4; make references to trees (particularly, the fig tree) as sources of food. 4 See Gen. 12: 6; 13:18; Judg. 6:11; Hos. 4:12, which refer to trees as holy symbols. 5 John S. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy (Nairobi, Kenya: Heinemann Educ. Pubs., 1969, 1989), 51. Introduction 3 and magnificence of the Baobab tree as a ‘tree of life’ can be seen in John Kirszenberg’s description of the Baobab tree below: The Baobab tree grows in the African savannah. It is majestic, imposing, and is one of the oldest of living things found on the planet. It often thrives for more than two thousand years and provides shelter, fruit and water. It has a cork-like bark, which is fire-resistant and its leaves, often used as herbs (author’s emphasis in italics), for medicinal purposes. It produces large white flowers that bloom only for a day. The branches of the Baobab tree stretch upward into the sky and when they lose their leaves and become bare, they look like roots. This latter characteristic gives the Baobab tree the designation ‘the upside down tree’.6 Additionally, the trunk of the Baobab tree usually grows so wide that no individual can wrap his or her hands around it. Its fruits are produced so high up in the tree that they cannot be plucked by hand. These features of the Baobab tree enhance its importance in such a way that Noah Dzobo uses the Baobab tree as a metaphor for knowledge. According to Dzobo, “Knowledge is like the Baobab (that is, the monkey-bread) tree and no individual can embrace it with both arms.”7 For Dzobo, the moral lesson taught by this proverb is that “Knowledge and truth are like the unbounded [limitless] ocean and no individual can claim to have complete possession of them and as such, people should be humble in their claims to knowledge.”8 Apart from the above description of trees including the Baobab tree, the imagery of ‘the tree of life’ has been demonstrated in the work of at least one scholar, who regarded the wisdom tree of life in the Bible as very significant and adopted it as the title of his introduction to Wisdom Literature.9 Also in 6 John Kirszenberg, “Meditation and Spiritual Growth: The Tree of Knowledge” in http://­ meditationandspiritualgrowth.com. Powered by WordPress 2010 & 2011, 13. Accessed June, 2011. 7 Noah K. Dzobo, African Proverbs: A Guide to Conduct (The Moral Value of Ewe Proverbs), vol. 1 (Cape Coast, Ghana: Cape Coast University Department of Education, 1973), 45, Dzobo proverb #75. 8 Dzobo, African Proverbs: 45. 9 Roland E. Murphy, The Tree of Life: An Exploration of Biblical Wisdom (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 2006). For Murphy, the situation of life and death are expressed in the image of “the tree of life.” See also the older works of Ivan Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship in the Ancient Near East (Uppsala, 1943), 92ff. Geo Widengren, The King and the Tree of Life in Ancient Near Eastern Religion (Uppsala, 1951). Both works deal with the significance of trees of life in the ane cultural context. 4 Chapter 1 Thomas Christensen’s missionary work among the Gbaya peoples of the Cameroon in Central Africa, he labels the soré10 tree, which the Gbaya peoples consider as a life-giving tree, as an ‘African tree of Life’ and uses the expression for the title of his Book.11 Further descriptions of the importance of trees, which portray them as very potent symbols, can be seen in various parts of the Bible and in the Apocrypha. The references particularly, to the ‘tree of life’ in the Hebrew Bible are not numerous. Nonetheless, the few references to trees in the Bible and in extrabiblical (Apocryphal) sources sketch several characteristics of ‘the tree of life’ and other trees.12 In Genesis 3, for instance, the ‘tree of life’ is compared with the ‘tree of the knowledge of good and evil’ in the Garden of Eden. Whereas the former is portrayed as life-giving, the latter possesses both a life-giving and a death-dealing attribute. The ‘tree of life’ and the ‘tree of knowledge of good and evil’ in the Garden of Eden are thus placed in antithesis to each other. The Book of Psalms also uses the imagery of ‘the tree of life’ extensively. A typical example is Psalm 1, in which the righteous and the unrighteous are contrasted with each other. The righteous are likened to ‘a tree planted by the waters that does not shed its leaves’ but the unrighteous are likened to ‘the chaff that the wind blows away’ (v. 3). Furthermore, ‘the Lord knows the way of the righteous but the way of the unrighteous perishes’ (v. 6). The images of the ‘tree of life’ provided in the Book of Proverbs do not possess the life-giving nature of ‘the tree of life’ as depicted in Genesis 3. Proverbs 3:18, describes Woman Wisdom as ‘a tree of life to those who embrace her’. Proverbs 11:30 also describes the ‘wisdom tree of life’ as producing the ‘fruit of righteousness’. Furthermore, ‘a wholesome tongue’ is described as a ‘tree of life’ in Proverbs 15:4. Isaiah also uses the imagery of trees. In Isaiah, trees signify strength, arrogance and pride as exhibited by the ‘biblical’ cedars of Lebanon.13 Isaiah uses the imagery of the tree as a metaphor for addressing the socio-political issues of his day with fresh understanding.14 Descriptions of ‘the tree of life’ are not 10 11 12 13 14 The botanical name of the soré “tree of life” is “Anoma Senegalensis.” Thomas G. Christensen, An African Tree of Life (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1990). Gen. 2:9; 3:22, 24; Prov. 3:18; 11:30; 13:12; 15:4; 2 Esdras 2:12; 8:52; 4 Macc. 18:16; Rev. 2:7; 22:2, 14, 19. These are a few of the references made to trees in the Bible and extra-biblical sources. See Isa. 41:19; 44:14. See also 2 Sam. 5:11, where Hiram sends his artisans with supplies including cedar trees to build David a safe house. The value placed on the cedars of Lebanon is also exhibited in Solomon’s specific request that Hiram should supply him cedar trees (in addition to other trees) for building the Temple (See 2 Chronicles 8–9). Kirsten Nielson, There is Hope for a Tree: The Tree as Metaphor in Isaiah. jsot Sup. 65 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1989), 71–80. Here Nielsen extensively elaborates Introduction 5 limited to the Hebrew Bible. They are also found in the Apocrypha. In 2 Esdras 2:12, for example, ‘the tree of life’ is described as providing fragrant perfume. ‘The tree of life’ is also said to be “planted for the sake of the humble and the righteous” in 2 Esdras 8:52. From the above descriptions of trees, it can be concluded that trees, especially ‘the tree of life’, as depicted in biblical Wisdom Literature and other literatures, can be used metaphorically to describe moral virtues and human characteristics. This brief, albeit inexhaustive, description of the ‘tree of life’ in the African Ghanaian Eʋe cultural context and in some biblical and extra-biblical sources aligns with the main objective of this study, which uses the imagery of ‘the tree of life’ to understand how various proverbs or ‘shoots’ among the sayings in Proverbs 25:1–29:27 (the so called ‘Hezekiah Collection’ of Proverbs), might be ‘grafted’ on to the African tree of life, which is represented by a range of Eʋe folk sayings. These two sets of proverbs are chosen because they are concerned with promoting particular virtues similar in both traditions. The metaphor of grafting, which blends the two proverbial trees here suggests that teaching and learning the message of the Bible can be facilitated and better engaged by African peoples in general, and Eʋe folk peoples in Southeastern Ghana in particular, through the use of pre-existing images in their cultural context. The metaphor, therefore, focuses on how moral values or virtues chosen from Proverbs in the biblical discourse (considered as ‘shoots’ from the biblical tree of life) can be ‘grafted’ on to an existing clear, and in some ways, a unique moral system, articulated by Eʋe folk proverbs (i.e., the African tree of life). A number of scholars, mostly, but not limited to Euro-American writers, compare proverbs from the biblical Book of Proverbs with proverbs from contemporary cultures. Some of these scholars like Claus Westermann, Friedemann W. Golka, Harold C. Washington, Laurant Naré and others, are discussed later.15 15 on Isaiah’s metaphorical use of the tree to bring out fresh understandings of the sociopolitical, religious and other issues of his day. Ivan Engnell, “Planted by the Streams of Water: Some Remarks on the Interpretation of the Psalms as a Detail in Psalm 1” in Studia Orientalis Ioami Pedersen Dicata (Kobenhavn, 1953), 85–96. See Claus Westermann, Roots of Wisdom: The Oldest Proverbs of Israel and Other Peoples (Louisville, ky: Westminster John Knox Press, 1995). Friedemann W. Golka, The Leopard’s Spots: Biblical and African Wisdom in Proverbs (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993). Harold C. Washington, Wealth and Poverty in the Instruction of Aménémopé and the Hebrew Proverbs (Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1994). Laurent Naré, Proverbes Salomoniens et Proverbes Mossi: Etude Comparative A Partie D’une Nouvelle analyse de Pr. 25–29 (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1986). See also Kwesi Yankah, The Proverb in the Context of Akan Rhetoric: A Theory of Proverb Praxis (Bern. Frankfurt am Main. New York. Paris: Peter Lang, 1989). Yankah’s work focuses on proverbs among the Akan-speaking peoples of Ghana. 6 1.2 Chapter 1 African/Eʋe Traditional Religion/s The metaphor of ‘grafting’ used to describe how the values or virtues communicated by some “sentence sayings” in Proverbs 25–29 may be understood in the African Ghanaian Eʋe cultural context comes from my understanding of the Eʋe cultural context and its extensive use of folk proverbs in every­ day communication. We can note here that several African and other thinkers have developed various metaphors and hermeneutical strategies for understanding how Christianity in general and the Bible in particular, might take root and be interpreted in non-Western contexts. This study takes cues from some of these earlier thinkers but tries to avoid some of their shortcomings. To understand the metaphor of ‘grafting’ and the context within which it is appropriate, some knowledge of African/Eʋe traditional religion/s might be helpful. In very broad terms, and encompassing the whole of Africa, Mbiti and some other African scholars and anthropologists have studied and written about several aspects of African Traditional Religion/s (atrs).16 Generally speaking, aspects of Eʋe Traditional Religion (etr) are very similar to those of atrs. Some aspects of atrs include, but are not limited to, the nature of God—the Supreme Being,17 the existence and character of lesser gods or spirit beings and natural phenomena. The above aspects of A/etrs relate to the cycle of human life from the miry watery pre-birth stage to birth, through youth or puberty, to young adulthood, adulthood, marriage, work and family life, to death, ancestorhood or the after-life (i.e., the living-dead and ancestor-veneration) and 16 17 Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy. In this book, Mbiti deals comprehensively with “Time” and “God,” which constitute major aspects of the traditional religious and philosophical world views of African peoples. See David T. Adamo, ed. Biblical Interpretation in African Perspective (Lanham, New York: Univ. Press of America, Inc., 2006). In this anthology, several seasoned scholars, including African, scholars provide a variety of interpretations of scripture from the African perspective. See also Delanyo Adadevoh, Approaches to Christianization in Africa (u.s.a.: ilf Pubs., 2009), ix. Here Adadevoh discusses how Christianization affects the Eʋe peoples. He elaborates on how the Eʋe peoples understand and practice their own culture vis a vis Christianity. The supremacy of God (as the Supreme Being in A/etrs) is portrayed in the work of Temba L.J. Mafico, Yahweh’s Emergence As Judge among the Gods: A Study of the Hebrew Root špṭ (Lewiston.Queenston.Lampeter: Edwin Mellen Press, 2006), 123ff. Here Mafico proposes and argues that Israel’s religion is a “polytheistic monotheism” in which yhwh is the Supreme Judge over all the other gods. This idea tallies with the belief in A/etrs that the Supreme Being is above all the gods, an idea that can be explained in terms of the Hebrew ’el Shaddai. Introduction 7 the return to life through reincarnation. These aspects of atrs thus foster a connection between the physical or secular world and the spiritual or sacred aspects of the lives of individuals and society as a whole. Moreover, these aspects of A/etrs encompass all activities in the African existential cultural context. This is because in A/etrs, there is no dichotomy between the sacred and the secular since every physical occurrence has a religious or spiritual explanation. In popular terminology, ‘There is no smoke without fire’ and vice versa in A/etrs because everything that happens in the cultural context of the African or Eʋe peoples has a cause and an effect. For instance, every death (no matter how old or how young the person might be) is attributed to some supernatural cause. When a healthy person dies suddenly, for example, the cause of death is normally explained as resulting from an evil spell cast upon the person by witches or wizards, who use witchcraft or juju (i.e., demonic powers) to harm or kill other people. When there is a cycle of births-and-deaths or some contagious disease in a particular family, this is blamed on the effects of a generational curse pronounced against an ancestor of that family, who was probably, an executioner, a perpetual thief or an ‘evildoer’ of some sort. Also when someone consults the gods for their help to succeed in a new life venture, and makes a vow that he or she will venerate the gods in some way, but fails to honor the vow, the person is stricken by the gods and he or she either dies or becomes maimed for life. Additionally, events like fatal motor accidents, which claim the lives of all the people involved, leaving no survivors, or an accident which maims its survivors for life or serious epidemics in the community are all attributed to some remote cause. In A/etrs human life is seen as cyclical with no beginning or ending. Life begins before birth and continues into the after-life or ancestor-hood (i.e., a living-dead stage) and returns to life through birth or reincarnation. In the world view of A/etrs, people who live good lives are reincarnated but evil people perish with their death. As mentioned briefly above, the African Eʋe peoples believe that human beings emerge from a miry watery underworld and come to earth through birth and when they die they return to the underworld where they exist in another form until they are reincarnated through birth. In the context of this belief, when a child is born, enquiries are made from the gods to find out which ancestor has been reincarnated. When the identity of the reincarnated ancestor has been established, the new born child is named after that ancestor and surprisingly, the child often acts and speaks in the exact same way as that particular ancestor did. A child who resembles a ‘good’ ancestor but does not exhibit the good character of that ancestor is often described by the Eʋe proverb, “Vi ɖi tɔ mewɔa tɔ 8 Chapter 1 nugbɛ o,” which means, “A child who looks like its father does not act like its father.”18 Furthermore, because every stage of the life-cycle is considered as very important in African Ghanaian Eʋe contexts, these stages of life are marked by rituals, which are accompanied by appropriate sayings. These sayings teach important moral values or virtues which are discussed in Chapters Two and Three of this book. Apart from marking important stages of life, the moral values or virtues expressed in the Eʋe folk proverbs and wise sayings in these rituals constitute an indispensable part of the theosophical worldview of the African peoples and the lessons they teach can be applied to a variety of circumstances, contexts and concerns of life. The Eʋe proverb, “Vi vɔ̃ nyo wu kotsitsi,” which means, “A delinquent child is better than being barren,”19 is used for a woman who bears no children of her own throughout her married life. This ‘better-than’ proverb implicitly, addresses the belief in the reincarnation of ancestors. In line with this belief, if a woman bears children, even if they are delinquent, she is treated with more dignity than a woman who is barren and has no children of her own. The former woman has more dignity than the latter because while the former is a channel for the reincarnation of ancestors, the latter prevents or blocks the way for the reincarnation of ancestors. The barren woman is seen as a social misfit and is frowned upon by society. When this childless woman dies, a special ritual, which consists of sealing her female reproductive organ, is performed to symbolize that she had closed the entrance of her womb to the ancestors who would have liked to come back to life through her. Another Eʋe folk proverb, “Ta menɔa anyi klo ɖɔa kuku o,” which means, “The knee does not wear a hat when the head is present,” is very important in the practice of A/etrs. The proverb illustrates the importance of role definitions in African Eʋe cultural contexts according to age, gender, talents, social status, etc. During the celebration of major transitions in the stages of life, such as moving from childhood to youth or puberty or from puberty to young adulthood or from young adulthood to the stage of an elder or into marriage, various important rituals are performed to initiate the younger generation into a 18 19 Dzobo, African Proverbs, # 59, 39. Dzobo translates this proverb as “A child who resembles his father does not necessarily take after his father.” The above translation of the proverb is slightly different from Dzobo’s as it attempts to provide the literal meaning of the proverb and to use inclusive language. Dzobo, African Proverbs, # 187, 81. My translation of the proverb, “To be the mother of a delinquent child is better than to be barren,” which is Dzobo’s translation, is also slightly different as it attempts to capture the literal meaning of the proverb. Introduction 9 higher stage in life. During these rituals, this Eʋe folk saying or proverb is often used to teach the initiates the value or virtue of giving respect and honor to adults or people who are more mature or at a higher stage of life. In the African cultural context, for example, the head of a family, who can be a leader, a parent, an adult or a person with some extraordinary talent, is supposed to take the lead in getting things done. As such, this person cannot be side-lined and the authority he or she wields cannot be usurped by anyone who is not qualified to do so. This is the main reason why children or people, who are transitioning from one stage to another in life, are taught to respect their elders or those who have more mature skills. The above Eʋe folk saying, can be explained with the English expression “Do not put a square peg into a round hole” or vice versa. The Eʋe saying teaches the younger and less experienced to desist from taking on roles for which they are not qualified while more qualified people are present. The importance of the practices of A/etrs is not only limited to rituals that mark the transitions in the stages of life. They are also important for understanding and appropriating Christianity and the Bible in African Eʋe contexts. This latter characteristic of A/etrs is demonstrated in a lecture on ‘God, Sin and Salvation in African Religion’ given by John S. Mbiti at the Pan-African Christian Church Conference in Atlanta, Georgia, in 1988. According to Mbiti: Conversion to Christianity (or any other religion for that matter) does not mean that people shed off their traditional religiosity and go naked into their new religion. They take their worldview, their culture, and their spiritual needs with them into Christianity. …Furthermore, for African Christians, the world of the Bible is not a world of three thousand years ago, but a world of yesterday, today, and tomorrow.20 Mbiti attempts to show that even though the Bible may be traditionally considered as a history of three thousand or more years ago, African Christianity does not consider it as such. This is because when it comes to the application of the Bible to the lives of African Christians, the past, present and future are not distant from but are in close proximity and intertwined with each other. Mbiti’s assertion shows that in the belief system of African Christians there is no notion of a remote past, an immediate present and a distant future. This last concept suggests that a purely historical and hermeneutical reading of the 20 Mbiti, “God, Sin and Salvation in African Religion,” A Lecture Delivered by The Rev. Prof. John Mbiti, at the Pan-African Christian Church Conference in Atlanta, Georgia, u.s.a. (17–23 July, 1988), 2–3. 10 Chapter 1 Bible, which involves the notion of translating ‘what it meant’ into ‘what it means’,21 as is mostly the case in academia, is inadequate for many people in African Ghanaian Eʋe Christian contexts. Mbiti’s assertion further shows that Christianity or the message of the Bible can never be presented in a vacuum because no aspect of the African culture is dispensable and as such, every aspect must be taken seriously as far as Christianity is concerned. Similarly, since the moral values or virtues taught by A/etrs are very important and affect the totality of the existence of the African Eʋe peoples, any strategy developed for teaching the Bible among African peoples must take their values or virtues seriously. Furthermore, A/etrs (like some other religions), are neither the preserve of specialists nor do they follow prescribed orders but rather they bring spiritual reality down to everyday need. As noted earlier, in A/etrs, there is no dichotomy between the sacred and the secular. The sacred, either directly or indirectly, affects the secular and vice versa and both together serve the everyday needs of the people. In other words, A/etrs focus on praxis has effects on the daily life experiences of the people. In this light, it can be surmised that every kind of hermeneutic designed for a group of people must be concerned with the totality of the ongoing experiences of the people among whom it is to be practiced. The imagery of ‘grafting’ used in this book is, therefore, an ideal metaphor for an African hermeneutic because it is an agricultural craft which is widely used and can be understood in every African context. Additionally, the metaphor of ‘grafting’ helps to safeguard an important concern alluded to by Mbiti, namely, it pays full attention to the African context when interpreting the Bible. From this perspective, since the African Ghanaian Eʋe tree of life acts as the full-grown plant on to which ‘shoots’ from the biblical wisdom tree of life are grafted, the African Ghanaian Eʋe cultural context remains the primary one in which the Eʋe peoples can encounter and engage with the Bible. 1.3 Hermeneutic Orientations: Biblical Hermeneutics and the ‘Hermeneutics of Grafting’ The word ‘hermeneutics’, which comes from the Greek word hermeneuein, is derived from the name of the Greek god Hermes, the messenger of the gods, who had the task of mediating, explaining, translating and declaring the 21 Krister, Stendahl, “Biblical Theology, Contemporary,” in idb, vol. 1, George A. Butterick et al., eds. (Nashville, tn: Abingdon Press, 1962), 418–432. Introduction 11 announcements of the gods to humans. This word can be translated variously as, “to interpret, exegete, explain or translate.”22 The task of hermeneutics, therefore, is rooted in the ability to provide meaningful translations. Krister Stendahl in his famous article on Contemporary Biblical Theology (referred to above), suggests that the work of biblical theology involves translating ‘what it meant’ into ‘what it means’.23 By this, Stendahl implies that in order to make the biblical text meaningful in today’s context, a proper biblical theology must involve both a descriptive and an interpretative approach. Stendahl’s idea, thus calls for the exegesis of the biblical text, in the first place, from the ancient Israelite (that is, ane) historical cultural perspectives, using historical-critical tools, and secondly, for an interpretation or translation of the historical perspectives of the text into what the text means for the contemporary cultural contexts in which the text has been appropriated. By implication, the message of the Bible must to be interpreted with the particular cultural contextual imagery of the ‘receiving’ cultures in mind. Gerhard Hassel, one of the representatives of Stendahl’s position on Biblical Theology, asserts that the biblical theologian attempts to “get back there.”24 By this Hassel suggests that the biblical theologian attempts to do away with the temporal [historical] by bridging the time span gap between ‘today’ and ‘the day’ of the biblical witnesses through a historical study of the biblical documents. Hassel’s idea also suggests that the task of the theologian is to return to the ‘former days’ (i.e., to the “history in and of the text”).25 The theologian accomplishes this by going backwards in time, to the past and after securing the context of the ancient message, s/he must then translate the message meaningfully for application to contemporary issues. Bernhard Anderson, like Hassel, offers another version of Stendahl’s position. Anderson considers biblical theology as both “descriptive and constructive,”26 by suggesting that while, on the one hand, biblical 22 23 24 25 26 See Elisabeth Schüssler-Fiorenza, Rhetoric and Ethic: The Politics of Biblical Studies (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1999), 58ff. According to Schüssler-Fiorenza, the task of Hermes involves active explication of divine commands and translating them into language that humans understand so they can obey them. Stendahl, “Biblical Theology, Contemporary.” Gerhard Hassel, Basic Issues in the Current Debate (Grand Rapids: Michigan, William B. Eerdmans Pubs. Co., 1982), 169. Hayes, John H. and Carl R. Holladay, Biblical Exegesis: A Beginner’s Handbook (Atlanta, Georgia: John Knox Press, 1987), 45–58, 45. Hayes and Holladay suggest that the “history in” the text refers to what the text narrates or relates about history and the “history of” the text refers to the text’s own history. Anderson, Bernhard, From Creation to New Creation: Old Testament Perspectives (Minneapolis: Augsburg Press, 1994). 12 Chapter 1 theologians explain the ‘received’ text of scripture, on the other hand, they work creatively on the text to make it suitable for and applicable to new contemporary situations. In contrast to earlier scholars, there are others who offer views on biblical interpretation or hermeneutics, which are more suitable for the purposes of this study. These scholars include Frederick C. Tiffany, Sharon H. Ringe and Andrew D.H. Mayes, to name a few. While Mayes, perhaps more than some others, recognizes the role of interpreting communities and maintains that “the interpretation of the text takes place in the interaction between the text and the interpretative community, a community which may or may not have religious commitments, or may be characterized by different political or ethical concerns,”27 he does not go far enough. Tiffany and Ringe, on the other hand, more helpfully suggest that “Biblical interpretation must begin at ‘home’, with attention to the immediate contemporary environment in which the biblical text is encountered.”28 As they rightly suggest, the unique sociopolitical, geographical, and other existential context of the listeners, which is created by God, must be of primary importance to any meaningful venture at biblical interpretation or hermeneutics. Thus we can infer from the above that there is great importance on the interaction between the context of the biblical text and the context in which the Bible is appropriated. In other words, both the context of the text and that of the reader or receiver must be taken seriously in biblical interpretation because texts cannot be understood in a vacuum. Texts must have contexts within which to operate meaningfully. This idea also suggests that the meanings of texts can be multifarious and as varied as there are contexts of interpretation. This multifarious nature of interpreting texts is similar to the idea of folklorists and paremiologists, who emphasize the ‘performance’ context of folklore and proverbs. Taking into consideration the importance of the contexts of the text and of the receiving community, Jacques Derrida’s conclusion about the task of deconstructing texts can be very helpful. According to Derrida, translation is a task that “exhibits an incompletion, the impossibility of finishing, totalizing, or saturating…a structural order, a coherence of construct.”29 This description of the task 27 28 29 Andrew D.H. Mayes, Text in Context: Essays by Members of the Society for Old Testament Study (Oxford, New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 2000), xv. Frederick C. Tiffany & Sharon H. Ringe, Biblical Interpretation: A Roadmap (Nashville, tn: Abingdon Press, 1996), 25. Jacques Derrida, “Des Tour De Babel” in Post-Structuralism as Exegesis, Semeia 54, eds. David Jobling & Stephen D. Moore (Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1992), 3–34, 3. In this work, Derrida deconstructs the story of the Tower of Babel and uses it to show that Introduction 13 of translation by Derrida is apt for understanding the open-endedness and ongoing nature of interpretation, translation or hermeneutics. Since the task of this book is to make the Bible more meaningful to African Ghanaian Eʋe peoples, the contexts of both the biblical text and the cultural context of the Eʋe peoples must be taken very seriously as has been suggested by the scholars discussed above. Perhaps, even more potent than the ideas of the scholars discussed above, is the seminal work of Hans Georg Gadamer, which informs my perspective on a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’. According to Gadamer, a major task of hermeneutics is that of translating meaning from one world to another.30 By taking a cue from Gadamer, my research attempts to translate meaning from the world of the Bible to the world of the African Ghanaian Eʋe peoples. This translation of meaning from one world to another is accomplished by taking some ‘shoots’ from the world of Proverbs 25–29 and ‘grafting’ them on to the world of the African Ghanaian Eʋe folk proverbs. In other words, ‘shoots’ from the tree of life, the biblical Book of Proverbs, are grafted on to the Eʋe folk proverbial tree of life. In the course of this translation of meaning from one to the other world by ‘grafting’, a unique blend of the two traditional cultural contexts (i.e., the biblical and Eʋe) is achieved. As a result of this blending, a new hybridized fruit is created with a completely different flavor than either of the traditions or trees of life when viewed individually. The new flavor constitutes the means by which the biblical Book of Proverbs can be made more understandable through the ways it can produce new opportunities for the Eʋe peoples to readily accept the message of Proverbs. 30 translation is a task that cannot be completed because it is a dynamic and an ongoing process. See also Derrida, “Deconstruction and the Other” in Dialogues with Contemporary Continental Thinkers: The Phenomenological Heritage of Paul Ricoeur, ed. Richard Kearney (Manchester: Univ. of Manchester Press, 1984), 107–126. See Derrida, “The Ends of Man” in Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 30 (1969), 31–57. Here Derrida sees hermeneutics as a free play of signs. This idea compares with Richard Rorty’s. See Rorty, Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1979), 315. Rorty, on his part, sees hermeneutics as keeping the lines of communication open. See also Rorty, “Pragmatism, Relativism, and Irrationalism,” in Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association 53 (1980), 719–738, 734. Rorty sees no transcendent metaphysical standards in existence and suggests that pragmatism must involve the “willingness to talk to, to listen to other people and to weigh the consequences of our actions upon others” with no guarantee of success. Hans Georg Gadamer, Truth and Method, 2nd revised ed. (trans. Joel Weinsheimer & Donald G. Marshall; New York: Continuum, 1993). See also Gadamer, Philosophical Hermeneutics (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1976). 14 1.4 Chapter 1 Earliest Attempts at Understanding the Bible in Africa The idea of a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ is of course not the first or only attempt by an African theologian or biblical scholar to formulate an adequate biblical hermeneutic for the peoples in the African context. Scholars who have attempted to formulate biblical hermeneutics for African peoples took into account Robert Schreiter’s idea that there must be “an encounter between church traditions and local themes for the actual development of local theologies to take place.”31 This study, therefore, builds on and is informed by the work of many other scholars, who have explored the kinds of encounters to which Schreiter alludes. James H. Cone, for instance, writing on the oppression of black people in America a little over a decade before Schreiter, suggests that there is “no truth for and about black people that does not emerge out of the context of their experience.”32 This statement may be specific to the oppression of black people but it can also be generalized for all other peoples including the Eʋe peoples. As we have alluded to earlier, every successful presentation or interpretation of the Bible must take into account the experiences of the people who constitute its recipients. The earliest attempts at understanding the Bible in the African cultural context were marked by resistance, suspicion and outright rejection, on the one hand, and unquestioned acceptance, on the other. While some of those who heard the message of the Bible quickly adopted the missionary hermeneutic, the early stages of receiving and appropriating the message of the Bible were also characterized by some degree of displeasure with and even anger at the missionary enterprise, which was suspected to be a foil for promoting Western politics, religion, culture and economics. Among the scholars who featured prominently during the early stages of the introduction of Christianity to Africa, and who proposed some strategies for understanding the Bible, or for doing theology in Africa, are Christian G. Baeta and Kwesi A. Dickson. Baeta and Dickson highlight two related problems that have historically hampered the engagement of African peoples with Christianity and the Bible in this process. These problems are the devaluation of African cultures and the marginalization of African languages. In my opinion, the problems mentioned by 31 32 Robert J. Schreiter, Constructing Local Theologies (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1986), 33. Here, Schreiter proposes that sound local theologies must be sensitive to the traditions and themes that prevail in the locales into which the particular theologies are introduced. James H. Cone, God of the Oppressed (San Francisco: HarperCollins Pub. Co., 1975), 17–18. Introduction 15 Baeta and Dickson can be overcome with the help of the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ which I propose. Before any attempt to delve into the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’, I will discuss some of the earlier hermeneutics and strategies proposed for the understanding of the Bible in African cultural contexts and elsewhere. 1.4.a Baeta on “The Critique of Missionary Religion” Christian G. Baeta critiques missionary religion in a J.B. Danquah Memorial Lectures Series in Ghana by posing a rhetorical question: “African Theology: What is that?” In this lecture, Baeta presents the colonizers, traders and missionaries in the bloom of European expansionism, as having “the same ethnocentric basic attitude, which regards everything associated with themselves as the standard to which everybody else had to conform by unanimously condemning everything African calling it ‘savage’, ‘devilish’ or ‘substandard and unworthy’.”33 According to Baeta, the negative picture that was painted of atrs and cultures produced tension between the ‘incoming’ and the ‘receiving’ cultures and this prevented the proper understanding, reception and appropriation of the biblical message in Africa. The tension referenced above was exacerbated in some cases by the attitudes of some local converts, who sided with the missionaries in condemning and showing animosity toward their own cultural and religious practices. Some of these converts exchanged their native names for foreign ones and in extreme cases the converts deserted their families. Furthermore, the converts built new houses in selected areas of the community, which they called ‘mission quarters’ and by doing this they completely, separated themselves from the members of their own families as well as from other members of the community because the converts considered the latter as pagans. The relationship between the missionaries and the new converts, on one side, and the local people, on the other, was very tense from the beginning. However, the tension eases with time when the missionaries began to acknowledge the importance of the traditional religious beliefs and cultural practices of the local peoples. It is unclear whether this change in relationship was based on a genuine, positive engagement of the missionaries with the peoples and their religious practices, or whether they were merely pragmatic strategies developed by the missionaries to evangelize the local peoples. What did become clear, however, was that the missionaries befriended the traditional 33 Christian G. Baeta, “African Theology: What is That?” Presentations in the J.B. Danquah Memorial Lectures Series (Ghana, Accra-Tema: Ghana Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1981), 23, 34. 16 Chapter 1 rulers and worked more closely and more amicably with them. Due to this friendship between the two groups, the traditional rulers persuaded their followers to tolerate the missionaries and work with them. This made the local peoples less suspicious of the missionaries and they began to accept their message. Having established this relationship, the missionaries offered to train the children of the traditional rulers to prepare them to take over the leadership of the church and to fill important political positions in the national government after the missionaries left the African countries in which they were doing missionary work. The traditional rulers willingly allowed the missionaries to train their children and in addition, they donated large portions of their land to the missionaries on which they built mission schools and hospitals. The amicable relationships between the missionaries and the local peoples allowed the Christian message to take root among the peoples. As has been shown earlier, after Baeta’s vehement condemnation of the missionary enterprise, he later suggests that progress can be made if theology “place[s] itself fairly and squarely within the immediate context of the actual on-going life of the people of God” and that theology “must be a reflection from, about and for practice”34 among the ‘receiving’ peoples. By this Baeta suggests that the African cultural context must be taken seriously into account as far as theology and the interpretation of the Bible are concerned. This proposition by Baeta’s remains an important practical insight today, and for many African theologians and biblical scholars, thirty years later, Baeta’s view is now commonplace. The ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ proposed in this book, goes beyond Baeta’s suggestion by insisting that not only must the African cultural context be taken seriously into account while doing theology but it ought to be the dominant partner in the engagement with the Bible and the traditional modes of interpreting it. John Pobee, another African Theologian, who holds a similar view to Baeta, asserts that “Many missionaries to Africa practiced the style of tabula rasa: the assumption that African cultures had nothing to contribute to the missionary process and had to be suppressed if deep Christian life was to be nurtured.”35 For Pobee, the assumption by the missionaries that African cultures are tabula rasa and have nothing to offer, is erroneous because African cultures have a lot to contribute to the process of Christianity. In line with Baeta and Pobee, the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ attempts to show that African cultures do, indeed, have much to contribute to the understanding and acceptance of the biblical message among African peoples, in general, and among 34 35 Baeta, “African Theology: What Is It?” p. 8. See John Pobee, West Africa: Christ Would Be An African Too. Gospel and Culture Pamphlet 9 (Geneva: wcc Pubs., 1996), 5. Introduction 17 Eʋe peoples, in particular. The discussion below takes a brief look at some of the scholars that have contributed immensely to African Theology. 1.4.b Dickson on “Theology in Africa” Whereas people like Baeta (and some others) vehemently denounce the missionary enterprise, Kwesi Dickson does not condemn it per se. In his work on theology in Africa, Dickson laments the use of foreign languages at the expense of local languages, which he thinks is a serious flaw in the praxis of African theology. Dickson argues that “The faith can be meaningful only when Christ is encountered as speaking and acting authentically, when he is heard in the African Languages, when culture ‘shapes the human voice that answers the voice of Christ’.”36 Dickson also suggests the need to present the scriptures, by taking into consideration “the setting within which people may be seen in their contextual reality.”37 For Dickson, therefore, “it is essential that African Christians be in a position to express in a vital way what Christ means to them, and to do so in and through a cultural medium that makes original thinking possible.”38 Teresa Hinga, writing in a much later period than Baeta and Dickson, makes a similar observation to Dickson relating to African women. According to Hinga, For Christ to be meaningful in the context of women’s search for emancipation, he would need to be a concrete and personal figure, who engenders hope in the oppressed, by taking their side to give them confidence and courage to persevere.39 By this assertion, Hinga suggests that women can genuinely identify with Christ only if they see him on their side in their oppression. For Baeta and Dickson, the two most significant problems are related: namely the general 36 37 38 39 Kwesi A. Dickson, Theology in Africa (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1984), 5. Dickson, Theology in Africa, p. 4. See Dorothy BEA Akoto, “Hearing Scripture in African Contexts:” and Akoto, “Biblical Interpretation and Postcolonialism:” in footnote 2 above. In both essays, the present author proposes that hearing and reading scripture (i.e., biblical interpretation) must take the already existing imagery in the ‘receiving’ cultural context or interpretative community, seriously. See also [Durable] Dorothy BEA Akoto (Nee Abutiate), African Theology/ies: A Contemporary Mosaical Approach (Bloomington, in: AuthorHouse Pub., 2014), 2–25. Dickson, Theology in Africa, 4–5. Teresa M. Hinga, “Jesus Christ and the Liberation of Women in Africa” in The Will to Arise: Women, Tradition, and Church in Africa, eds. Mercy A. Oduyoye and Musimbi R.A. Kanyoro (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1992), 191–192. 18 Chapter 1 devaluation of African cultural contributions and the marginalization of African Languages when engaging Africans in Christianity and the Bible in Africa. Both issues can be overcome by the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’, in which ‘shoots’ of the biblical tree of life, i.e., the Book of Proverbs, and the current modes of interpreting Proverbs are ‘grafted’ on to the African Ghanaian Eʋe tree of life, i.e., Eʋe folk proverbs. This ‘grafting’ acts like proverbial sayings in all languages by only fully making sense in the original language in which they are uttered. 1.5 Other Attempts at Understanding the Bible in the African Cultural Context: Hermeneutical Strategies/Metaphors Scholars like Baeta and Dickson identified problems with the genuine encounter between Christianity, the Bible, and the cultural contexts of African peoples, whilst other scholars also developed hermeneutic strategies and metaphors that attempt to address them. These include theologians, Biblical scholars, anthropologists, sociologists and scholars and religionists as well as other thinkers. They are mainly concerned with developing programs that recognize how Christianity and atrs relate to each other and how these can facilitate more genuine and equitable engagements between Christianity and atrs. For many of these thinkers, in order for Christianity to take root in the African cultural or another non-Western cultural context, it must go through a process of negotiation, which involves give-and-take on the part of Christianity and the ‘receiving’ cultures. In this give-and-take process, there is a ‘no undo’ super-imposition of the ideas of one culture on the other. The give-and-take between the ‘donor’ and the ‘recipient’ cultures in the works of the writers which we offer below differs slightly, yet significantly, from the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’40 which I am proposing. 1.5.a Adadevoh on “Christianization as Dynamic Religious Encounter” Delanyo Adadevoh focusing on the development of contextual theologies proposes a paradigm shift, which deals with the impact of the interaction between Christianity and culture in Africa. He argues that in order to promote theologies for understanding the Bible in ‘receiving’ cultures, there must be a “dynamic conversation between Christianity and the other religious cultures (that is, understandings between biblical and atrs).”41 Adadevoh refers to 40 41 See footnote 2 above. Akoto (née Abutiate), “Hearing Scripture in African Contexts:” ote 20/2 (2007), 283–306. Adadevoh, Approaches to Christianization in Africa, 1. Introduction 19 this dynamic conversation as “Christianization”42 and goes on to argue that “If Western Christianity had defined Christian concepts without significant regard for atrs, African Christianity is being called upon to redefine Christian understandings in light of African traditional religious understandings”43 with the ultimate goal of promoting life in its wholeness. Adadevoh’s idea of “Christianization” involves an interaction between the Bible and African Eʋe Traditional Religions (A/etrs). Adedevoh’s idea involves the interaction between Christianity and A/etrs and is somewhat similar to the idea of ‘grafting’, which emphasizes a re-definition of the cultures involved in the ‘grafting’ process, in light of each other. His use of the term, ‘Christianization’, however, explicitly points to Christianity as the dominant partner in this interaction. As such, the resulting redefinition of the biblical and African cultures in light of each other remains focused on the Christian culture. The ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ proposed in this book contrasts with Adadevoh: the former emphasizes a merger between Christianity and the pre-existing imagery and moral theological discourses in the African Ghanaian Eʋe cultural context. This pre-existing cultural context facilitates the understanding of the Bible within itself. By discussing the values or virtues of the Book of Proverbs, through ‘grafting’ Proverbs’ ‘shoots’ on to the Eʋe tree of life (i.e., folk sayings), this study demonstrates how Proverbs can be understood anew in a primarily African way. The ‘grafting’ metaphor, therefore, constitutes an ‘Africanization’ of the selected biblical proverbs rather than a Christianization. This ‘Africanization’ creates a distinct understanding of the biblical Proverbs, which is different from the traditional understanding. Thus ‘Africanization’, in principle, becomes identical with the moral vision that emerges from Eʋe folk sayings. Dzobo on “The Cultivation of True African Humanity as Spiritual Development and Transformation” In his article, ‘Life on God’s Farm’, Noah K. Dzobo, argues that the true spiritual development and transformation of Africans lies in “the cultivation of their true African humanity and human existence.”44 Dzobo condemns the lack of original creativity that has kept Africans away from the total development of self-dignity, greatness and grandeur. He suggests that “true spiritual 1.5.b 42 43 44 Adadevoh, Approaches to Christianization in Africa, 1. Adadevoh, Approaches to Christianization in Africa, 2, 315. Dzobo, “The Beginning of Life on God’s Farm” a Paper Presented at the Pittsburgh Theological Seminary, Pittsburgh: Pennsylvania (May, 1995). See also Adadevoh, Approaches to Christianization in Africa, 126. 20 Chapter 1 development and transformation” must involve a reshuffling of mentality whereby the African peoples will value African-ness by becoming aware of their self-worth and their potential for greatness. To achieve this, African peoples must deploy their cultural ideas in all areas of African existence and not exchange them for ideas represented by the Bible. Although Dzobo’s concept involves some transformation, it veers more towards African sociological development, rather than towards African spiritual development. Dzobo’s concept of the ‘development and transformation’ of true African humanity contrasts with Adadevoh’s ‘Christianization’ in which there is a “dynamic conversation or interaction between Christianity and other religions and cultures,”45 in a way that Christianity has a privileged position in relation to A/etrs. Unlike Dzobo and Adadevoh, however, the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ proposed in this book, strikes a balance between both human development and spirituality by deploying ‘pre-existing images in the life of the African peoples and blending them with the spiritual message of the Bible (Proverbs) to promote a better understanding and acceptance of the latter. 1.5.c Martey on “Inculturation” and “Liberation” Emmanuel Martey proposes that African theology should be seen as ‘inculturation’,46 on the one hand, and as ‘liberation’, on the other. As ‘inculturation’, Martey highlights the focus of African theology on the cultural-religious dimensions of an African revolution. For Martey, this African revolution can be observed in three areas of African existence: political, cultural and religious, in which African peoples have resisted foreign domination. He writes: “the struggle in the socio-economic, political and religio-cultural spheres of life, calls for the development of a true African theology, which involves the praxis of ‘inculturation’ and ‘liberation’.47 Furthermore, Martey suggests that ‘inculturation’ and ‘liberation’ must be integrated into a new perspective for creating a unified theology of cultural and political liberation”48 and this must be deployed for understanding the Bible. An examination of Martey’s proposal shows that theology deals with three very important aspects of African life. This differs from 45 46 47 48 Adadevoh, Approaches to Christianization in Africa, 1ff. Emmanuel Martey, African Theology: Inculturation and Liberation (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1996), 110–115, 113. See also Dickson, Theology in Africa (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1984), 15. Dickson proposes the idea of “situational reality” by asserting that “Theology is done meaningfully only in context, or with reference to a situation or set of circumstances.” Martey, African Theology, 129. Martey, African Theology, 129, 130ff. Introduction 21 the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ in that whereas Martey is concerned with a theology in which African peoples resist foreign domination to attain freedom, the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ advocates an amicable relationship between the foreigners and African peoples to promote a better understanding and acceptance of the Bible in African cultural contexts. The ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ focuses on unmasking the continued dominating interpretative paradigms, by suggesting that good relations can be created by ‘grafting’ ‘shoots’ from the biblical proverbial tree of life (the message of Proverbs) on to the African Ghanaian Eʋe folk proverbial tree of life and not vice versa. In line with the above, while the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ mainly views the encounter between the Bible and African Eʋe readers as enhancing, it is not naïve about the potential conflicts in the encounter. The grafting hermeneutic accepts that as much as grafting involves some minimal cutting, it also involves immediate binding. 1.5.d Ukpong on “Inculturation Biblical Hermeneutics” In the same year that Martey described African theology as ‘inculturation’ and liberation’, Justin S. Ukpong, in his article, “The Parable of the Shrewd Manager (Luke 16:1–13): An Essay in the Inculturation Biblical Hermeneutic,” also coins the expression, ‘inculturation theology’, for describing “a hermeneutical process in theologizing that cuts across all theological disciplines including Biblical exegesis.” According to Ukpong, ‘inculturation theology’ is “a new way of doing theology” and that an “inculturation Biblical hermeneutic” is the application of inculturation theology to Biblical interpretation.49 Unfortunately, the terminologies used by Ukpong to describe his “inculturation biblical hermeneutic” are confusing because he does not explain what he means by “inculturation Biblical hermeneutics” but uses the terminology to explain itself. Although he does not explain the terminology in this article, Ukpong offers a helpful explanation in another work in which he defines ‘inculturation’ as a “re-thinking and re-expressing of the original Christian message in an African cultural milieu.”50 This explanation clarifies the ambiguity created by his use of the term in his article on the “Parable of the Shrewd Manager.” 49 50 Justin S. Ukpong “The Parable of the Shrewd Manager (Luke 16:1–13): An Essay in the Inculturation Biblical Hermeneutic,” in An Experimental Journal of Biblical Criticism: ‘Reading with’ African Overtures Semeia 73, eds. Musa W. Dube & Gerald O. West with Phyllis A. Bird (Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1996), 189–210; 190. See also in the same source Musa W. Dube, “Readings of Semoya: Batswana Women’s Interpretation of Matthew 15:1–28”, pp. 111–129, where Dube offers a re-reading of Matthew 15:1–28 through feminist lenses. Ukpong, African Theologies Now: A Profile (Eldoret, Kenya, 1984), 30. 22 Chapter 1 Ukpong’s concept of ‘inculturation’ seems to refer to an interpenetration of the Christian faith and African cultures which is very similar to the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’. However, Ukpong differs from it insofar as it does not refer specifically to a re-thinking or re-expression of the Christian message in an African cultural milieu, but rather to a blending of biblical and African imagery. This blending has the result of not only promoting a better understanding of the Bible in African Eʋe cultural contexts, but also of understanding new possibilities about being African and understanding the African/Eʋe proverbial, moral tradition from a new perspective. By choosing an image widely understood from African/Eʋe experiences and not a term from the Western scholarly world like ‘inculturation’, which inhibits any re-thinking or re-expressing in African contexts, the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’, avoids any notion of privilege assigned to Western modes of thought and expression over an African or non-Western one. 1.5.e Oduyoye on “Theological Reflections in Africa” Another voice in African theology and hermeneutics, which informs the notion of a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’, is Mercy Amba Oduyoye. Oduyoye’s views of Christianity in Africa suggest that it fundamentally involves “hearing and knowing.”51 By this ‘hearing and knowing’, African Christianity not only comes to grips with what is heard in the ‘received’ text, but it also integrates or imbibes the knowledge of its praxis into “African” Christian theology. In her discussion of African Christianity, Oduyoye considers themes like creation and redemption, God’s transcendence, the salvation work of Jesus, covenant and community, feminism, and Trinity and community.52 Although Oduyoye attempts to show how these Christian theological ideas are enacted in the African cultural contexts through ‘inculturation’, and ‘acculturation’, these themes seem more applicable to Western Christianity because they mirror ideas developed in Christian theology in the West rather than being applicable to Christianity as reflected by African traditional socio-cultural religious understandings. By ‘inculturation’, an idea similar to that proposed by Martey and Ukpong, Oduyoye shows that African social structures and religious practices are side-lined in Christian theology and in the process foreign practices are imposed on African peoples. Drawing on the experiences of the students of Achimota High School in Ghana, Oduyoye contrasts ‘inculturation’ 51 52 Mercy Amba Oduyoye, Hearing and Knowing: Theological Reflections on Christianity in Africa (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1986). Oduyoye Hearing and Knowing, 78–149. Introduction 23 with ‘acculturation’53 by asserting that the latter involves “a deliberate effort to keep the products of African cultures (i.e., the recipients of [Christianity], here the Achimota students) from becoming alienated from their natural milieu while receiving an ‘English education’ in a boarding school staffed with black and white teachers.”54 The students of Achimota School were ‘acculturated’ in that though they were African externally, they were westernized internally. Oduyoye also cites the example of Roman Catholic missionaries, who took the idea of ‘acculturation’ seriously because it responded to the question, “How can one be African and Christian at the same time?” Taking ‘acculturation’ seriously, these missionaries did not shun African drums and other local musical instruments or regards them as devilish or pagan instruments but rather they ‘baptized’ and ‘consecrated’ them for use in the church.55 Oduyoye sees the action of the Roman Catholic missionaries as an endorsement of true theology, which for her, must involve the knowledge of self, knowledge of history, belief in the future, and transformation, which results from the divine/human collaboration based on Jesus. Furthermore, by relating the ideas of Christianity to the sources and expressions of concrete themes in African theology, which Oduyoye refers to as a “theology for living,”56 she suggests a form of liberation, which is not bound to the ‘received’ missionary Christian message brought to Africa, but to a Christian message that involves what has been effectively adopted and adapted to suit African cultural contexts. To this extent, Oduyoye’s ideas resonate with the idea of the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’. However, Oduyoye’s concepts which focus on adoption (i.e., ‘inculturation’) and adaptation (i.e., ‘acculturation’), have a glitch, in that they are expressed in terminologies taken from the western academic world as their starting point and they do not relate to the real life experiences of African peoples. This means that Oduyoye’s adoption and adaptation of the biblical message to the African cultural context is different from the metaphor of ‘grafting’, which takes ‘shoots’ (moral values) of the biblical tree of Proverbs and grafts them on to the African Eʋe tree of life as portrayed by the moral values in Eʋe folk proverbs. The ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ does not result in an adoption of the Christian message or adapting it to African cultural understandings, but rather it blends the two discourses in such a way that the encounter is kept rooted in its African cultural contextual soil. The encounter 53 54 55 56 Oduyoye, Hearing and Knowing, 67–76, 69, 73. Oduyoye, Hearing and Knowing, 69. Oduyoye, Hearing and Knowing, 73. Oduyoye, Hearing and Knowing, vii. See also Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy (1989), 15. Mbiti describes religion here as “an ontological phenomenon” for the African. 24 Chapter 1 of the two trees of life (of moral values) assigns privilege to the African contextual imagery and recognizes that the fruit that emerges from the blending has a different flavor but it is still genuinely and fully African. 1.5.f West on “Indigenization” and “Transaction” Gerald O. West also offers ways of understanding the Bible in his South African cultural context, where Apartheid had reigned supreme for several years. West focuses on Black African theology in South Africa and describes the reception of the Bible in the South African context as ‘Indigenization’ and ‘Transaction’. As a note of caution, even though all theology in Africa is often labeled African Theology, the South African Theology, of the 1970s, which is similar to Black Theology in the United States of America (usa), is very different from other African theologies.57 Writing in 1991, West uses the idea of ‘indigenization’ to describe the earliest interactions of the missionaries with his South African ancestors. This interaction provides West with the metaphor of ‘bola’,58 with which he describes biblical interpretation in the South African context.59 According to West, when his South African ancestors heard scripture clearly presented to them by the missionaries, they concluded that the Bible is the ‘bola’, (i.e., the divining dice) of the missionaries. This substitution of ‘bola’ for the understanding of the Bible arises from the belief of West’s ancestors that the missionaries used the Bible to understand the will of God just as they used the ‘bola’ for divining the will of the Supreme Being. As a result of this substitution the Bible is made comparable to ‘bola’ since both are used to fulfil 57 58 59 See [Durable] Dorothy BEA Akoto-Abutiate, African Theology/ies: A Contemporary Mosaical Approach (Bloomington, in: AuthorHouse, 2014). In this recently published monograph, the present author argues that instead of seeing theology in Africa as a single African Theology, theology in Africa should rather be seen and designated as African Theology/ies because there are numerous theologies in Africa. In this work, Akoto proposes that African Theology/ies should also be approached as a “Contemporary Mosaic” of various patterns. The ‘bola’ is a kind of dice in the ditaola (divining beads/necklace), which traditional healers or diviners (in South Africa) usually, hang around their necks. Gerald O. West, “The Relationship between Different Modes of Reading and the Ordinary Reader” in Scriptura S9 (1991), 87–110. Here West discusses various modes of reading the Bible by academics and ordinary readers. See also West, The Academy of the Poor: Toward a Dialogical Reading of the Bible (Pietermaritzburg, South Africa: Cluster Pubs., 2003). West presents a similar idea here as he does in his 1991 article to show that reading the Bible is always a dialogical undertaking in which the ‘receiving’ culture [i.e., ordinary readers] and [academic readings] (author’s insertion in italics) of the Bible dialogue with each other to produce contextual meanings. Introduction 25 similar purposes. West’s second terminology, ‘Transaction’, suggests how the message of the Bible is understood in ‘recipient’ cultures (here, South Africa) in their own indigenous cultural contextual imagery. This idea is demonstrated by West, in “The Bible in South African Black Theology,” in which he proposes that the Bible and the cultures of ‘receiving’ peoples ‘transact’ with each other in order to promote an understanding of the Bible. According to West, ‘transaction’ in South African Black Theology encompasses a trust in the “literary dimensions of the biblical text together with a focus on the central symbols and thematic semantic axis or trajectory of the final canonical form, which is fraught with a hermeneutic of suspicion, a hermeneutic of trust and a hermeneutic of hope.”60 In West’s ‘hermeneutic of suspicion’, the ‘receiving’ culture is often suspicious of, sees the ‘incoming’ culture as a threat and is, therefore, reluctant to accept it. At other times, the ‘receiving’ culture sees the ‘incoming’ culture as trustworthy and, therefore, accepts it whole-heartedly. In some other instances also, the ‘receiving’ culture entertains the hope that the ‘incoming’ culture can provide answers to the religious and cultural longings of the people and improve their living conditions. West’s work challenges the approach of another African theologian, Kwame Bediako, who believes that “the gospel of Jesus Christ…provides a means of making manifest the dynamics of African spirituality for what it is” and that it “clarifies in a new way the nature of identity ultimately rooted in God and Christ.”61 Bediako’s emphasis lies in the notion that ‘understanding’ is a matter of the ‘identity’ between African spirituality and Christianity. Bediako’s concept portrays Christianity and the Bible as the ‘subject’ and considers Africa as the ‘object’. In contrast to Bediako, West suggests that Africa must be considered as the ‘subject’ while Christianity and the Bible are considered as the ‘object’. West argues that this reversal from ‘subject’ and ‘object’ to ‘object’ and ‘subject’ for the Bible and Christianity and Africa and vice versa, respectively, is to enable the developments in African Christianity to test the depth of the impact of Africa on biblical interpretation and not the other way around. Furthermore, whereas Bediako’s ideas of ‘understanding’ and ‘identity’ see the Bible and Christianity as endorsement or proof-texting for existing African cultural imagery, West’s concept of ‘indigenization’ and ‘transaction’, suggest a dialogue between the Bible and African cultural contexts for biblical interpretation. 60 61 Gerald O. West, “The Bible in South African Black Theology,” in Biblical Interpretation in African Perspective, ed. David T. Adamo (Lanham: New York, Univ. Press of America, Inc. 2006), 31–59. Kwame Bediako, Theology and Identity: The Impact of Culture upon Christian Thought in the Second Century and in Modern Africa (Exeter, uk: Polester Wheatons Ltd., 1992, 1999). 26 Chapter 1 West’s contributions to African hermeneutics and the development of the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ are considerable. First, West’s ‘bola’ metaphor, which is similar to the idea of grafting, is a primary image for thinking about biblical interpretation that derives from Africa and not Western academies. The imagery of ‘bola’ is, however, specific to South African contexts and its application is, therefore, limited, unlike the imagery of ‘grafting’, which is much more widely understood across traditional African cultures. West may be correct in claiming (in contrast to Bediako) that African contexts ought to be the privileged ‘subject’ and not the mere ‘object’ in the encounter of Christianity and the Bible with African cultures. This idea is similar to the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’, which I am proposing. Additionally, West’s idea of ‘transaction’ is also similar to the idea of ‘engrafting’ as it shows how “ordinary Africans have negotiated and transacted with the Bible and partially, appropriated it by relativizing it, resisting it, and modifying it with uncanny creativity.”62 In spite of this, there are caveats about West’s ideas and these can be addressed by the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’. First, as noted above, West’s hermeneutic of ‘bola’ is limited to South African Theology, which is related to Black Theology in the United States. However, the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ remains fully rooted in African cultural contexts. Disregarding West’s partial concern with South Africa, one can ask, “In what sense is the interpretation of the Bible really ever ‘African’ in West’s model?” ‘Negotiation’, ‘transaction’, ‘relativization’, ‘resistance’, and ‘dialogue’ may all be inevitable aspects of interpretation in any context to a different extent, but this type of adversarial engagement serves as a reminder that the Bible and its interpretation are never really permitted to be African, but are something other than African. What is considered as truly African in West’s model is not really authentic biblical interpretation. In further contrast to West, the ‘grafting’ metaphor recognizes some minimal inevitable damage or conflict in interpretative encounters, but the ‘cutting’ involved on both sides is minimal and is quickly and explicitly followed by a binding and healing. The ‘grafting’ of the ‘shoots’ from the biblical proverbial tree of life on to the African proverbial tree of life and not vice versa, likewise guarantees that the African context remains the ‘subject’. As West suggests, the African context will not be inadvertently converted into an ‘object’ as suggested in Bediako’s model of ‘understanding’ and ‘identity’. Despite some of the commonality, 62 West, “Mapping African Biblical Interpretation: A Tentative Sketch,” in The Bible in Africa: Transactions, Trajectories and Trends, eds. Gerald O. West & Musa W. Dube (Boston, Leiden: Brill Academic Pubs. Inc., 2000), 29–30. In this article, West sketches a map of the varieties of ways in which African scholars have interpreted the Bible in African contexts. Introduction 27 West’s model of ‘negotiation’, ‘transaction’ and ‘dialogue’ work against the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ proposed here. 1.5.g Ariarajah on the “Transplantation” of the Gospel Another metaphor for understanding the Bible in African contexts is ‘transplantation’, a term borrowed from Wesley S. Ariarajah. Though Ariarajah is neither an African, nor is he concerned with African contexts per se, his metaphor provides insight into the process of the ‘reception’ of the Bible not only in his own Asian context but it can be related to the similar process of ‘reception’ in other non-European/non-North American cultural contexts, which include also African Ghanaian Eʋe contexts. According to Ariarajah, The Gospel had been brought to the nations as a [potted] plant, with the pot being Western culture. This may have been inevitable. But now the plant must be transferred into Asian or African soil, so that it might strike deep roots and draw nourishment from it.63 Ariarajah’s idea of ‘transplantation’ is similar to the idea of “weaving a new mat over an old one.” The latter idea was proposed by Thomas G. Christensen, a missionary, who worked among the socially, economically, politically, and culturally, homogeneous Gbaya community of the Cameroon, in the Central African Republic. In the Gbaya community, as in other African communities (and also in many ‘receiving’ communities), religion is concerned with human beings but it also embraces life as a unified whole. This encompasses the entire creation, which includes the living, the living-dead64 and all non-living things, which include natural phenomena. Everything contributes to the harmonic functioning and the rhythm of life in the community. The metaphor of “weaving a new mat over an old one,” arose from Christensen’s missionary work among the Gbaya peoples of the Cameroon: the Gbaya peoples accepted the Gospel of Jesus Christ and appropriated the message of the New Testament by relating the Gospel’s message to the existing imagery in their own cultural 63 64 Wesley S. Ariarajah, Gospel and Culture: The on-Going Discussion within the Ecumenical Movement (Geneva: w.c.c. Pubs., 1995), 13. The “living dead” are believed to be the people, who lived good, praise-worthy lives while on earth and when they die they are turned into guardians/custodians that partake of and preside over the affairs of the community of the living, invisibly. They are greatly respected and venerated with food and drink and they bring good luck and blessings to those who revere them and follow the norms of the society, but cause ill-luck, disaster and curses to come on those who do not follow societal norms. 28 Chapter 1 context. By discovering the relationship between their own culture and the Gospel about Jesus, the Gbaya peoples accepted Jesus because they saw him as a substitute for their “soré cool-thing” (i.e., life-giver or peace-maker in life’s challenges).65 Among the Cameroonians the soré tree is considered as the ‘tree of life’ and the people always use some part of the soré tree in every ritual to maintain peace in their community. This pre-existing knowledge of the life-giving and peace-making nature of soré is instrumental in convincing the Gbaya about the salvation nature of Jesus. The Gbaya peoples hear the Gospel message and understand that Jesus is the one who provides peace in every challenging or life-threatening situation and they accept Jesus as their personal Lord and corporate Savior. Like Ariarajah, Christensen correctly understands the importance of culture in the transmission of the Bible. This is similar to the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ which blends two different religious cultures (the biblical Proverbs and of Eʋe folk proverbs). Though Ariarajah’s metaphor of ‘transplantation’ and Christensen’s ‘weaving a new mat over an old mat’ are quite distinct, they are different from the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’: The metaphors used by Ariarajah and Christensen clearly point to a problem (common to all the hermeneutical strategies surveyed above) namely, preserving a genuinely African perspective in the interpretation of the Bible, which is not inadvertently subordinated to Western understandings and norms of interpretation. The preservation of genuinely African interpretations is so important that many of the strategies discussed above struggle to address the concern in one way or the other. Indeed, an ‘uprooting’ of the message of the Bible from the Western cultural soil and ‘transplanting’ it into an Asian, African, or other cultural soil, as Ariarajah suggests, or an overlay of an ‘old mat’ with a ‘new mat’ as Christensen suggests both remain significantly external and do not genuinely constitute a part of African culture. In the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ which I am setting out in this study, the African proverbial tree of life remains firmly planted in African soil and receives the wisdom ‘shoots’ from the biblical Proverbs tree of life. 1.6 Conclusions The hermeneutical strategies or metaphors, such as ‘inculturation’, ‘acculturation’, ‘bola’, ‘identity’ and others discussed above are very important in biblical 65 Thomas Christensen, An African Tree of Life (Maryknoll, New York: 1990), 8. The botanical name of the soré “tree of life” is anoma senegalensis. Introduction 29 interpretation. They all point to the necessity of taking the existing elements in the African cultural context seriously when studying theology. However, all these efforts have some shortcomings which hamper the effective understanding and appropriation of the biblical message in non-Western or nonEuropean cultural contexts. Some of them, like ‘inculturation’, and ‘identity’ have been developed in Western academic contexts and are not very suitable for understanding the Bible in African cultural contexts. The metaphors of ‘transplantation’ and ‘weaving a new mat over an old mat’, for instance, are intended to promote a mutual encounter between Christianity and African cultural practices but they seem to be ‘cut-and-paste’ metaphors, suggesting that the message of the Bible is used to replace or cover over the existing African or other religious traditions and imagery as though the latter did not exist at all. The metaphor of ‘Transplantation’ has the advantage of being familiar to many traditionally, agriculturally-based cultures in Africa, but it tends to result in a caricature of the ‘receiving’ culture. What actually takes place in the ‘receiving’ culture in the face of ‘transplantation’ is that there is an ‘artificial’ translation of terminologies and practices from biblical cultures into the African or other ‘recipient’ culture. This kind of translation considers both cultures as similar in every aspect except linguistically. In contrast to these metaphors, this study sees the need for a hermeneutical strategy which engages critically the ‘sentence sayings’ in Proverbs 25–29 as they relate to the African hanaian Eʋe cultural context using Eʋe folk proverbs. We have discussed various metaphors for understanding the Bible and also the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ in which ‘shoots’ from the ‘tree of life’ in the Book of Proverbs are ‘grafted’ on to the African Ghanaian Eʋe ‘tree of life’ (i.e., the tree of Eʋe folk proverbs). The blend of these two trees of life produces a hybridized fruit, which has the taste of completely different flavor than the taste of the fruits of the two individual trees. This metaphor is related to the teaching of the biblical Book of Proverbs to make it more meaningful to African peoples, in general, and to the Eʋe peoples of Southeastern Ghana, in particular. The ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ thus has the advantage of emerging from the African cultural context and not from the Western academy. Furthermore, this hermeneutic metaphor grants a privileged position to African contexts, since it is the Eʋe tree of life that receives the wisdom ‘shoots’ from the Bible/the Book of Proverbs (and other modes of interpreting it). Furthermore, this metaphor also shows how genuinely new or distinct understandings, of both the Bible—the ‘shoots’—and the Eʋe folk proverbial moral tradition—the tree, are interdependent in the process of grafting. Since the Bible and the modes of interpreting it are neither ‘transplanted’, ‘indigenized’ nor ‘inculturated’, nor are they completely the product of ‘dialogue’, the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ 30 Chapter 1 is something new and genuinely African. The imagery of ‘grafting’ is also apt, in that it involves the cutting and binding up of the two plants involved. Since the encounter of African peoples with Christianity and the Bible have historically, neither been an encounter between equals nor has it been a harmless process, the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ recognizes that even though a more just and genuinely African Christianity and biblical interpretation will not be painless, it holds the promise of rich fruit yet to be tasted. Chapter 2 The Eʋe-Speaking Peoples 2.1 An Introduction to the Eʋe-Speaking Peoples Eʋe-speaking peoples, whose folk proverbs or wise sayings constitute the African tree of life on to which ‘shoots’ from the biblical proverbial tree of life might be ‘grafted’ are found in Kpando, Hɔhɔe, Ho, Tanyigbe, Adaklu, Peki, Tɔŋu and Aŋlɔ̃ areas of Southeastern Ghana and in Togo, Agɔme Kpalime, Agɔme Tɔmegbe and neighboring areas, in Benin and parts of the Niger basin. These regions are occupied by three main migrant groups - the Northern Eʋes, Central Eʋes and the Southern Eʋes, respectively.1 In Eʋe oral tradition, these groups of Eʋe peoples migrated from the Ketu District of the Republic of Benin, in the Niger basin2 and settled in an area of land, approximately eighty (80) kilometers wide and one-hundred-and-sixty (160) kilometers long along the banks of the Volta and Mono Rivers. This area lies in the Southeastern corner of Ghana, and the Southwestern parts of the Republic of Togo and Benin, respectively. The land of the Eʋe peoples is a former German colony, partitioned along a North/South axis during the Second World War (ww ii) by a mandate endorsed by the then League of Nations and allocated to France and Britain on an East/West regional basis. Some sources trace the Eʋe peoples to Asia (i.e., the Far East), via Southeastern Nigeria and Ketu in Benin to Ŋɔtsie in Togo. Their migration arose from a revolt against the wicked, autocratic King Agɔkɔli in Ŋɔtsie.3 1 D.E.K. Amenumey, The Ewe in Pre-colonial Times: A Political History with Special Emphasis on the Anlo, Ge and Krepi (Ho, Ghana: E.P. Church Press Ltd., 1986), 1–3. Amenumey provides a very detailed history of the Eʋe peoples of Ghana from pre-colonial times through the 1900s. See also E.B. Asare, Akwamu-Peki Relations in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries. ma Thesis (Ghana, Legon, 1973). Although somewhat dated, this resource helpfully describes the strained relationships, which culminated in the wars between the various groups of Eʋe peoples during the process of migration and occupation of the present localities. 2 See D.E.K. Amenumey, The Ewe in Pre-colonial Times, 2–20 for a detailed history of the migrations and formations of the various groups of Eʋe-speaking peoples. For more information about the origins of the Eʋe peoples, see also http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ewe_people. Accessed October, 2013. 3 Cf., the migration of the Eʋe peoples with the history of the revolt and migration of the Hebrews from Egyptian bondage under the Pharaoh, under King Solomon’s son Rehoboam and other despotic kings, until the split in the United Israelite Kingdom, to the period of the © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004274471_003 32 Chapter 2 The language and culture of these groups of Eʋe-speaking peoples differ from each other only slightly. The differences can be observed mainly in the tone of voice, with some of the language groups speaking the Eʋe with either a higher or lower-pitched voice. Others speak with excessively nasalized or gutturalized sounds in their speech. The cultural practices and religious beliefs of the various groups of Eʋe peoples are also similar with only slight differences in regional or locality-specific names and practices, which can be explained by the Eʋe proverb, “Du sia du kple eƒe koklo koko,” which means, “Every town has its own way of dressing chicken.” In spite of the slight linguistic and cultural variations that exist among the various groups of Eʋe peoples, their fundamental social relations are not jeopardized by these differences. Despite these differences among the Eʋe peoples, their folk proverbs, which also sometimes, have universal application, are very similar and have common cultural contextual applications to circumstances, which emerge from issues relating to and addressing their daily life experiences. Eʋe folk proverbs teach important values or virtues and can be used in unlimited performance contexts, which are relevant to the Eʋe peoples. Other African peoples and other peoples globally can also find these proverbs very useful. It is in this context, that this book focuses on how the moral values or virtues embedded in African Ghanaian Eʋe folk proverbs can constitute an African tree of life on to which ‘shoots’ from the biblical tree of life—in particular sayings from Proverbs 25:1–29:27 can be ‘grafted’ and how such a ‘grafting’ can facilitate the teaching, learning, understanding and appropriation of the message of the Bible (the book of Proverbs) in an African Eʋe context, and do so in a more fully African manner. 2.2 The Values or Virtues of Eʋe Proverbs: A Conversation with Noah K. Dzobo’s Collection of African [Eʋe] Proverbs Proverbs and the African Tree of Life: Grafting Biblical Proverbs on to Ghanaian Eʋe Folk Proverbs uses part of Noah K. Dzobo’s4 collection of Eʋe proverbs as a Assyrian and Babylonian Exiles until the period prior to the emancipation, recorded in the canonical books of Exodus through to Joshua; 1 and 2 Samuel; 1 and 2 Kings; [1 and 2 Chronicles]; Esther; Ezra; and Nehemiah; Daniel (from the Exodus through the Deuteronomistic History, The Chronicler and The Writings of the Early Post-exilic Period). 4 Noah K. Dzobo, African Proverbs: Guide to Conduct (The Moral Value of Ewe Proverbs), vol. 1 (Cape Coast, Ghana: University of Cape Coast, Dept. of Education, 1973). See also Dzobo and Simon Amegashie-Viglo, eds. The Triple Heritage of Contemporary Africa (Accra: Studio 7 The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 33 basic resource for locating some of the Eʋe folk proverbs discussed. Several values or virtues can be associated with Eʋe folk proverbs, which this book considers as the African tree of life, on to which ‘shoots’ of the biblical tree of life in Proverbs 25:1–29:27 can be ‘grafted’. Basing my study on Dzobo is very important because it collates and studies a broad array of Eʋe folk proverbs and attempts to identify some of the moral values or virtues embedded in them. Due to the scarcity of written sources on African Ghanaian Eʋe folk proverbs, Dzobo’s work serves as an essential but basic resource for providing some of the fundamental moral categories into which Eυe proverbs can be classified. Though many of the folk proverbs discussed later are taken from the proverbs in Dzobo’s collection of Eʋe proverbs, other folk proverbs discussed in this book come from my own personal observation of life and experience as a Ghanaian Eʋe woman. Although the main focus of this work is on Eʋe proverbs, a few proverbs from other parts of Africa, which teach similar moral values or virtues, are also discussed. Since Dzobo’s collection of Eʋe proverbs serves as the basic resource for the folk proverbs discussed in this study, a brief description of the collection is offered here. Dzobo’s work lists two hundred and two (202) Eʋe folk proverbs, which are grouped together into seventy-five (75) moral trait categories and fifteen (15) major or cardinal, moral themes.5 In listing and categorizing these proverbs into moral themes, Dzobo focuses on a number of values or virtues, some of which overlap, whilst others do not fit neatly into any clear cut category. Dzobo acknowledges that some of his proverbs do not fit into distinct categories when he discusses the five possible ways of classifying the proverbs in his book by concluding that “…it does not mean that each of the two hundred proverbs falls neatly into one or the other of these classes.”6 Sometimes, the seventy-five (75) categories offered by Dzobo are helpful in specifying a particular value or virtue, but they are often duplicated and the multiplication of these categories is, therefore, unhelpful for analyzing the main moral features of Eʋe folk sayings.7 This duplication and multiplication of categories in kat, 2005), 6–7. In this book, the authors offer comprehensive discussions of the African cultural heritage from the pre-colonial, through colonial to the post-colonial era. In this book, Dzobo and Amegashie-Viglo discuss what a proverb is, what its form, as well as its content and evaluative functions are. 5 See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 86–98. In these pages, Dzobo collapses the two hundred and two (202) proverbs into seventy-five (75) moral trait categories and further reduces them into fifteen (15) major themes. 6 Dzobo, African Proverbs, p. 14. 7 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 16–18. Dzobo categorizes his two hundred and two (202) Eʋe proverbs into seventy-five (75) moral trait categories. 34 Chapter 2 Dzobo’s work constitute major shortcomings which are overcome by the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’. By choosing ‘shoots’ from the tree of life in Proverbs 25–29 and ‘grafting’ them on to the Eʋe folk proverbial tree of life we focus on four main virtues. These are discussed through the analysis of a number of proverbs, which exhibit characteristics of four main virtues which my study considers as chosen Eʋe folk proverbial trees on to which the selected ‘shoots’ from Proverbs can be ‘grafted’. Although this study takes a cue from Dzobo’s Eʋe proverbs, the analyses, discussion and application of the folk proverbs which I present are mostly my own unique undertaking. I have reduced Dzobo’s many rubrics to a smaller number of more helpful, but broader, moral categories or traits, focusing on four principal virtues namely, Diligence, Humility, Prudence and Sociability, which can be further sub-divided into a number of other categories or themes. Although several other virtues can be identified in Eʋe proverbs, the proverbs I have collated fall into the four broad moral categories listed above. Patience, for example, is a unique virtue,8 but it is sometimes considered as the virtue of humility. When Patience is considered as humility, people who are anxious to do things that are beyond their capabilities, can be taught to be humble (i.e., to be patient) and not to attempt to do things which are beyond their capabilities prematurely. Patience can also be considered as the virtue of prudence or diligence.9 In this sense, the virtue of patience teaches people to apply wisdom to their actions, and also to use determination to succeed in what they do. The four principal virtues around which the folk proverbs are organized are central to and find expression in Eʋe folk sayings. They encourage virtuous moral living, on the one hand, while, on the other hand, they warn people against indulging in vices that contrast with the virtues. The rhetoric employed in these folk sayings discourages vice on the one hand and promotes virtuous living on the other hand. In this book, I present with a discussion, analysis and 8 Dzobo illustrates the virtue of ‘Patience’ with proverb #113, “Agbo matsimatsi meɖoa kɔme dza o,” which means, “A lamb [an immature ram] does not grow a mane.” Though this proverb is listed under ‘Patience’, according to Dzobo, it can be used to teach children or people in general to be humble and not try to take on assignments for which the time is not yet ripe, prematurely. (Dzobo, African Proverbs, 57). 9 For example, Dzobo’s proverb # 104, “Dzigbɔɖi wotsɔ koa anyidi hafi kpɔa eƒe dɔka” translates, “If you dissect an ant patiently, you will see its entrails.” This use of ‘Patience’ can be applied to the virtue of diligence, which is a necessity for success in any venture in life (p. 55). Cf. the Buganda proverb from Uganda, which says, “By trying often, the monkey learns to jump from a tree” which also teaches not only patience but also prudence and deter­ mination. This proverb is listed in www.afritorial.com/the-best-72-african-wise-proverbs. Accessed October, 2013. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 35 application four sets of virtues in Eʋe folk proverbs which are divided into two main parts. Two of the virtues, Diligence and Humility constitute the primary focus of Chapter Two; Chapter Three focusses on the other two virtues of Prudence and Sociability. Due to the diverse and dynamic proverbial tradition among the Eʋe peoples, it must be noted that not all Eʋe folk proverbs fit neatly into the four main moral rubrics of Diligence, Humility, Prudence and Sociability, discussed here and indeed this is to be expected. It follows that as one might imagine some of the Eʋe folk sayings analyzed here can also be found among other African peoples (alluded to in this study) and they also have similar application in other cultural contexts globally. 2.3 Procedure for Analyzing the Characteristics of Eʋe Folk Proverbs To introduce our discussion of the Eʋe folk proverbs I have analyzed for this study, a brief discussion of the analysis of the characteristics of these proverbs is offered here. Dzobo’s collection of Eʋe proverbs provides tools for classifying some of the moral values as well as the fundamental resource (among others), for finding the Eʋe folk proverbs which constitute the African tree of life on to which the chosen biblical Proverbs’ ‘shoots’ are ‘grafted’. For instance, in classifying his seventy-five (75) moral rubrics, Dzobo lists together proverbs, like Patience, Moderation, etc., which illustrate each of his overly duplicated and multiplied moral categories, traits or virtues.10 In his analyses of the Eʋe proverbs, Dzobo first, gives the proverbs in Eʋe, translates them into English, explains the cultural images used in some of the proverbs, states the virtue or value embedded in the proverbs, and sometimes, but not always, provides typical application contexts for the proverbs. Dzobo’s proverb #134, “Dzre mele ŋku kple alɔ̃ dome o,”11 which means, “There is no quarrel between the eyes and sleep,” which he lists under moral trait category 46, Relationship, Personal, is an example of a proverb for which he provides a typical application context. According to Dzobo, this proverb can be used to advise two sisters, who are quarrelling or who are not on talking terms [with each other], to patch up their differences and not allow anything to come between them and their 10 11 Dzobo, African Proverbs, vii–viii. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 63. This proverb is listed under the category of “Personal Relationship.” A Congo proverb which is similar to and can be used in similar situations/ contexts like this Eʋe proverb says, “Sleep is the cousin of death.” See http://www.special -dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_congo_proverb/147855.htm. Accessed October, 2013. This proverb shows the closeness of the relationship between sleep and death, a relationship in which one cannot be detached from the other. 36 Chapter 2 relationship. Dzobo suggests that “the closeness of personal relationships should constrain relatives and friends to live amicably.”12 In most of the other proverbs, Dzobo does not give typical examples of usage or application contexts. Although in this book I basically follow Dzobo’s process of analyzing the Eʋe proverbs, my analyses differ from Dzobo’s in several instances. Apart from avoiding duplication and multiplication of categories, the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ also avoids Dzobo’s lack of adequate examples or application contexts for most of his proverbs which is a gap in his work. The ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ approach which I have formulated attempts to fill these gaps by offering fewer rubrics of moral categories and giving several examples of how the various proverbs analyzed are applied in context. Although my analyses of the Eʋe folk proverbs follow Dzobo’s analyses to some extent, the four main virtues of Diligence, Humility, Prudence and Sociability discussed in this book, are novel and unique categories, as they neither follow Dzobo’s moral categories nor adopt his classifications. Instead of following Dzobo’s analyses of proverbs chronologically, I have listed the Eʋe folk proverbs which have similar themes, values or virtues, imagery, characteristics or forms together to draw out the moral lessons in the four main virtues discussed. The numbers assigned to each of the folk proverbs in Dzobo’s collection are enclosed in parenthesis or provided in footnotes at the bottom of the page on which the proverb is listed and this sometimes, but not always, facilitates the comparisons of the various analyses of the proverbs. Where I have used an explanation of the Eʋe folk proverb from Dzobo’s collection, I have added several examples of its application in a practical context. The translation of some of the folk proverbs from Dzobo’s collection, are often also different: I have done this to clarify and where doing so reveals an aspect of the proverbial saying that Dzobo overlooks. Similarly, whenever an analysis or translation of the proverb differs from Dzobo’s, an allusion is made to his translation in the discussion of the proverb or in a footnote. Another dimension of the analyses of the folk proverbs in my own study is that the cultural contextual understandings or imagery is explained in detail so that the logic and rhetoric behind the proverbs are made more explicit. This cultural contextual explanation helps non-Eʋe speakers to become familiar with the specific performance context of the sayings. Where applicable, and whenever it seems important to enhance the understanding of the proverb, common English expressions or other Eʋe wise sayings are also provided. My analyses of the Eʋe sayings also follow how folklorists and paremiologists (who specialize in the study of folklore and proverbs) view the function of 12 Dzobo, African Proverbs, vii–viii. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 37 folk proverbs. They suggest that proverbs or folk sayings are meaningful when they are used or performed in particular contexts. As an illustration of their application in context, Musimbi Kanyoro, an African feminist theologian, had heard her grandmother use the same proverb on two different occasions and in two completely different situations in Kenya (East Africa). When Kanyoro asked why and how this was possible, her grandmother offered the following explanation: Proverbs are sayings that are pregnant with meaning. The context of the proverb, determines its meaning. Proverbs are like shadows. You have to move with them and they have to move with you.13 In this explanation, Kanyoro’s grandmother personifies proverbs, attributes their meanings to ‘pregnancy’ and highlights the importance of context to the meanings of proverbs. She also metaphorically compares proverbs to ‘shadows’ that are able to ‘move’ with people as people move with them. This proverb points to the dynamism of proverbs as well as to the importance of their performance in context. Not only is their performance context crucial but it is indispensable to their meaning; this explanation also shows the importance of the use of metaphorical language.14 Implicit in Kanyoro’s grandmother’s statement is the idea that proverbs can best be explained by other proverbs. Paremiologists discovered over a long period of studying folklore what Kanyoro’s grandmother knew instinctively and used in her explanation of the proverbial utterance to her granddaughter. Her explanation also confirms the assertion of paremiologist Archer Taylor that proverbs “are not easily recognized as proverbial sayings unless we have heard them applied to particular 13 14 Musimbi R.A. Kanyoro, “When Women Arise, the Earth Trembles,” in Claiming the Promise: African Churches Speak. Margaret S. Larom, ed. (New York: Friendship Press, 1994), 63. Wolfgang Mieder, Proverbs Are Never Out of Season: Popular Wisdom in the Modern Age (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1993), 9. See also Susan Niditch, Folklore and the Hebrew Bible (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993), 3. Niditch asserts that “Many modern folklorists consider folklore to be lore in process or performance.” By the terms “process” and “performance,” Niditch confirms the “living currency of a work in a social context, during its very creation and in the experience of those who share in its becoming.” See Dan Ben Amos, “Toward a Definition of Folklore in Context,” in Toward New Perspectives in Folklore, eds. Americo Paredes and Richard Baumen (Austin, tx: Univ. of Texas Press, 1972), 9. See also Barre Toelken, The Dynamics of Folklore (Boston, ma: Houghton Mifflin, 1979), 38. 38 Chapter 2 situations.”15 The proverb used by Kanyoro’s grandmother and its explanation also confirms a conclusion drawn by the anthropologist Ruth Finnegan who studied African folk proverbs that “There is no proverb without a situation.”16 These assertions or conclusions endorse the importance of context and the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ seeks to make the African cultural context the primary one for understanding and appropriating the message of the Bible in Proverbs 25:1–29:27. 2.4 Types or Forms of Eʋe Folk Proverbs Eʋe folk proverbs like proverbs from other parts of Africa or even of the world, generally, derive from careful observation of natural phenomena, social events, common personal experiences, occupations, the lives of wild and domestic animals, birds as well as of the art of agriculture. These observations embody significant moral truths, which produce unique understandings and constitute “the soul of the Eʋe [African peoples], their philosophy and the principles that serve partly to integrate the personality of the individual.”17 There are various types or forms of Eʋe folk proverbs. Dzobo provides some of the types or forms by the classification of his Eʋe proverbs into five main categories. This classification is helpful for analyzing the folk proverbs in this study. The first and most significant type of proverb is the Negative Proverb statement. The other four types of proverbs are either grammatically negative or positive statements. Proverbs of the second type suggest that negative or positive actions often have corresponding consequences. In other words, the proverbs of the second type embody a retributive principle which is inherent in the logics of acts and consequence. The third types of proverbs often condemn socially unacceptable behaviors. The fourth type of proverbs consists of simple metaphors and the fifth and final types of proverbs personify animals and use the characteristics of these animals to teach moral lessons to human beings.18 15 16 17 18 Archer Taylor, “The Wisdom of Many and the Wit of One,” in The Wisdom of Many: Essays on the Proverb, eds. Wolfgang Mieder and Allan Dundes (New York: Garland, 1981), 3–9, 6. Ruth Finnegan. “Proverbs in Africa,” in The Wisdom of Many, 19, 27. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 11–13. See Timothy J. Sandoval, The Discourse of Wealth and Poverty in the Book of Proverbs (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2006), 11. The idea of personifying animals to teach lessons to human beings tallies with Sandoval’s conclusion that folk sayings “are used to say something about the world and human beings in relation to quite particular contexts of human life.” The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 39 The Negative type of proverb, which constitute the bulk of Eʋe folk sayings, usually ends with a common negative marker or interjection which is represented in Eʋe by ‘o’.19 This ‘o’ functions in a way that preserves the syntax of the sentence at the end of which it occurs. Apart from the negative ‘o’ ending, there is also a particle, ‘me’ which never stands on its own but is always combined with the main verb in a sentence or saying. While the combination of the particle ‘me’ and the main verb normally appear earlier in the saying, the negating particle ‘o’ always appears at the end of the saying and renders the entire saying negative. In other words, while the ‘me’ negates the main verb/s, with which it always combines in a saying, it is the ‘o’ at the end of the saying that carries the weight of negating the entire utterance. The earlier ‘me’ and the main verb of the saying are further combined in most cases with ‘a’ which translates the verb into a simple present or habitual tense. Thus ‘me’ is combined with the main verb/s, with ‘a’ and the final ‘negative o’ at the end of the saying to create the pattern: ‘me’ + mv + ‘a’… + ‘o’. This pattern comprises all the relevant aspects of an entire syntactic construction or saying, which is rendered negative by the final ‘o’. As mentioned earlier, most Eʋe folk proverbs have this construction and normally fall under the ‘negative proverbs’, type. In spite of this construction and the designation as ‘negative proverbs’, the final ‘o’, which negates the saying does not necessarily mean the morals or virtues taught by the sayings are “negative” (i.e., undesirable or bad). The translation of a construction or a sentence, which ends with the interjection ‘o’ in Eυe usually has the equivalent meaning of the English words ‘no’ or ‘not’20 or the Hebrew word ‘‘al’, which transforms the utterance into a kind of prohibition (i.e., ‘do not’ or ‘you shall not’). This construction of Eʋe folk proverbs, which end with the negating ‘o’, is complex because it makes people hear the negation of a negative statement in many Eʋe folk proverbs. The folk sayings, which end with the negative ‘o’, can also begin either as positive or negative statements. This creates a rhetorical effect whereby the negative ‘o’ ending reverses the expectations of listeners or readers even though the saying is intended to provide a clearer and more forceful meaning to the moral lesson or virtue taught by the proverb. For example, when the 19 20 G.A. Akrofi, G.L. Botchey and B.K. Takyi, An English, Akan, Eʋe, Ga Dictionary (Accra, Ghana: Waterville Pub. House, Presbyterian Press, 1996), 180. This Dictionary gives the meanings of the words listed in it in four different languages: English, with three other languages, Akan, Eʋe and Ga, which are spoken in various parts of Ghana. Here ‘o’ is represented by the Eʋe words, “ɖeke o,” “kpao” and “ao,” which mean “none,” emphatic “no, no” and the refusal of something by saying, “no” either in response to a question or request, respectively. Akrofi et al., An English-Akan-Eʋe-Ga Dictionary, 180–181. 40 Chapter 2 sayings begin with a positive statement, those who hear or read it expect the saying to be end as a positive one, but when the negative ‘o’ suddenly appears at the end of the sentence, the expectations of the people are not fulfilled. Similarly, when the sayings begin with negative statements, people normally expect that the saying will be negative. However, when the negative ‘o’ appears at the end, the expectation of people is still not fulfilled. In this latter instance, the negating ‘o’ at the end of a saying, acts in the same way as double negatives act in English, and they, therefore, cancel out the negative and render the sentence positive. In other words, the introduction of a final negative ‘o’ at the end of any saying does not necessarily show that the saying is negative. This characteristic of Eʋe folk proverbs makes those who hear or read the saying to expect the saying to either be positive or negative. This characteristic of the negative ‘o’ types of Eʋe folk proverbs also gives them a powerful rhetorical effect, which makes the proverbs very easy to memorize.21 An example of a Negative type of saying illustrates how a negative ‘o’ functions in a folk saying. Proverb: Tɔmedela menoa ba o. (Dzobo # 43). Translation: The one who goes to draw water or [takes trips to the riverside to fetch water] does not drink mud. This proverb begins as a positive statement but contains “me” + mv − “no” + “a”… + the negative “o.” This combination means, “does not drink.” The proverb describes a regular traditional chore of Eʋe women and children who have to get up early in the morning and go to the well, river or public community hydrants to fetch water for the use of their households. The proverb begins as a positive expression, “Tɔmedela,” which means, “the one who goes to draw water,” and the listener would expect that the industrious women and children who perform this go to draw water will drink fresh clean water which is what they do. However, when the sentence ends in the negative “menoa ba o,” which means, “Does not drink mud,” a rhetorical effect of pessimism or sarcasm is created and the listener who expects to hear a positive or optimistic conclusion such as “drinks fresh clean water,” rather hears a negative conclusion. In spite of the negative ‘o’ at the end of this and other similar Eʋe folk proverbs, the moral virtues of diligence, industry and resilience are taught by the proverb. By praising the industrious Eʋe women and children, the proverb 21 Furthermore, the rhetorical effect created by this use of the negative “o” at the end of the sentence is similar to what one experiences in poetry and this aids the memorization of the Eʋe folk proverbs. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 41 teaches people to be diligent in order to achieve good results. On the converse side, the proverb implicitly speaks against or warns those who are lazy. The basic meaning of the proverb can be explained by the English saying, “The early bird catches the worm.” Irrespective of whether this Eʋe folk proverb is told to a woman, a child, a farmer, a student, a spouse, a doctor, or anyone undertaking any venture in life, early in the morning or at any time, when the person listens to the proverb’s teaching, they get a positive result from their diligence in the undertaking. Some Eʋe folk proverbs are doubly negative sayings: they begin as negative statements and end with the negative ‘o’. The following folk proverb is an example: Proverb: Wometsɔa mia fia ame ƒe dume mɔ o.” (Dzobo, #116). Translation: “You do not use the left hand22 to point the way to your home-town.” Though this proverb begins with the ‘me’ + mv − ‘tsɔ’ + “a’ construction and ends with a negative ‘o’, the virtue taught by the saying is positive. Rhetorically, this doubly negative proverb as can be expected has a positive meaning, i.e., to teach humility. The proverb suggests that people should honor the places where they were born. The use of the left hand has a very negative cultural implication among the Eʋe peoples. To point at people, things or places with the left hand, or to use the left hand in gestures while talking to people, is considered disrespectful or rude because the left hand is normally used for cleaning the anal parts, blowing mucus from the nose, picking up items soiled with excreta or urine, cleaning filthy places like the toilet, commodes, trash cans, gutters and performing other tasks that are considered ‘dirty’. As such, to point at one’s birth-place with the left hand is socially unacceptable because doing so means treating the place like dirt. The proverb teaches people to take pride in what belongs to them, for example, a ‘home’, and to be loyal to the place and the people of their birthplaces. This folk proverb can also teach people to be patriotic.23 Dzobo encourages people to be proud of their home towns or villages of origin no matter how humble or lowly these places might be.24 22 23 24 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 57. The use of the left hand to point to people, things or places is traditionally, considered as improper because the left hand is often used to clean ones private areas and for doing other ‘unclean’ things. As such, to use the left hand in reference to important things is a sign of denigrating those things. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 57, 116. Dzobo lists this proverb under “Patriotism” in his moral trait 37. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 57, 114. 42 Chapter 2 Apart from the literal lesson taught in this proverb, it can be used metaphorically in a number of contexts to teach people to be humble. It can be used, for example, to advise people to acknowledge their humble roots and not to shy away from them. People who have reached important positions in life should not condemn the lowly conditions from whence they come before reaching their elevated status in life. Those who have become wealthy, having risen from poverty, should not forget their former status. This saying can also apply to people who disrespect or denigrate their parents especially when they become old, grey-haired and sometimes frail. This proverb teaches such people to be humble and not to forget how their parents provided for them when they were young. It can also teach people who are ashamed of their family or careers (babysitters who cared for their personal needs when they were infants) and who perhaps were quite poor and are now to be respected from their current status in life. Students who are successful in their careers but who are ashamed of their alma mater, their poor teachers and professors at different levels of their education (Primary through to higher education) are also included in this folk saying. In the application of this example in context, this proverb implicitly teaches humility to avoid the disgrace associated with arrogance, disrespectfulness and ingratitude. It reprimands those who exhibit these negative attitudes and praises the virtue of humility which it teaches is positive. It advises people to give honor where honor is due and to value the people who contributed to their current good status in life. People should not forget to acknowledge the lowly status from which they have risen when they become successful in life. Although the proverb discourages people from pointing to their places of birth with the left hand, when used metaphorically, it teaches people to avoid pride and be humble in order to succeed in life. We also need to note here the paucity of reference to God or the Supreme Being in Eʋe folk sayings. This paucity of references to God is not limited to Eʋe folk proverbs but is also seen in proverbs from other parts of Africa. Ambrose Adinkamkwu Monye discusses the paucity of reference to God among his native Aniocha peoples of Nigeria in an article on the “paucity of God-based proverbs in Aniocha.”25 Furthermore, due to the excessive patriarchal nature of African cultures, there is very little mention of women in proverbs. The few African Eʋe folk sayings which dare to make references to women usually 25 Ambrose Adinkamkwu Monye, “The Paucity of God-Based Proverbs in Aniocha” in Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 6; eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski (Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Depart­ ment of German and Russian, 1989), 55–66. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 43 project only very negative images. Idris Amali’s case study of the image of women in a traditional African society using Idoma proverbs on women26 is an example of the lack of reference to women in folk proverbs, or when women are depicted their image is negative. 2.5 The Virtues of “Diligence” and “Humility” After having introduced the Eʋe peoples and the forms, types and characteristics of their folk proverbs, we now turn our attention to a discussion and analysis of two of the four major virtues which are the selected trees on to which the ‘shoots’ from Proverbs can be ‘grafted’. These are the virtues of Diligence and Humility, indispensable virtues which promote good, successful and productive lives which are highly cherished among the Eυe peoples. The rest of this chapter discusses and analyzes a number of folk proverbs which promote these virtues. The first part focusses on a number of proverbs which teach the virtue of Diligence and the second part focusses on proverbs which teach Humility. Our discussion of these two virtues is organized around images, themes, forms and characteristics which are inherent in the proverbs themselves. We can note here that in the discussion of the main virtues other sub-virtues” sometimes surface and these are also discussed briefly. The images and themes in the next group of folk sayings reflect mostly rural life but the proverbs can also be used in contexts that are not particularly rural contexts as shown by some of the application or performance contexts. The ability or characteristic of Eʋe folk proverbs to be used in both rural and non-rural settings allows Eʋe proverbs to be used in multiple contexts. This also demonstrates how proverbs generally function: i.e., their usage depends on the situation or performance context. This means they apply not only to the context in which they arise but also allows them to be used in other more universal contexts. 2.5.a Diligence Two Eʋe words are used to describe Diligence. They are “veviedodo” and “kutrikuku,”27 The first word, “veviedodo” is a combination of two words “vevie,” 26 27 Idris O.O. Amali, “The Image of Women in a Traditional African Society: A Case Study of Idoma Proverbs on Women” in Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 17; eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski (Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 2000), 27–42. Akrofi et al, An English, Akan, Eʋe, Ga Dictionary, 68. 44 Chapter 2 which means, “important” or “valuable” and “dodo,” which means “putting on or wearing” (e.g., clothing). The combination of these two words suggests the putting on of or wearing what is important or valuable. Both words refer in practice to relentless determination, which involves the painstaking toil and hard work required to achieve anything that is worthwhile. The second Eʋe word for “diligence,” “kutrikuku,” is a combination of three words. “Ku” is a noun, which refers to “death.” “Tri” is an adjective meaning “massy” or “thick” and “kuku” a verb that describes the act of “dying.” The combination of the first two words, “kutri” can be explained as over-exerting or over-stretching one’s self. To a large extent, “veviedodo” and “kutrikuku” have similar meanings and can refer to situations to which “diligence” normally applies in classical Western definitions.28 These two Eʋe words suggest that diligence involves strenuous processes that can be described as “putting on or wearing” something important or “dying.” The rigorous nature of the activities undertaken in “veviedodo” and “kutrikuku,” can be explained by the English phrases “Do and die” or “Do or die.” In line with these definitions, a number of the Eυe folk proverbs and sayings from other African countries which teach the virtue of “diligence,” are analyzed below. For the Eʋe proverbs, a number of proverbs from the Dzobo collection are used and though Dzobo has his own designations, my analyses here do not necessarily use Dzobo’s designations. My own analyses have pruned Dzobo’s duplicated and multiple categories by grouping together proverbs which teach the virtue of “diligence.” 2.5.b Negative Proverb Forms All the proverbs, which teach the virtue of “diligence” in this section, have “negative” forms. These proverbs, which can be understood literally, encourage those who hear them to be determined, focused and not negligent about the performance of every task they take on. Conversely, the proverbs warn people against laziness. Proverb 1: Klemeɖoa metsria ŋuifie o. (Dzobo # 29). Translation 1: The person who walks into a patch of giant-grass does not complain of skin irritation. 28 Karl Anders Ericson, et al., eds. The Cambridge Handbook of Expertise and Expert Performance. (Cambridge Univ. Press, 2006). This anthology, as the title implies, is the work of several celebrated scholars, who offer insights into the practical value of work ethic/diligence cultivated over varying periods or lengths of time in various fields of study and areas of life. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 45 Proverb 2: Zu mekpea zu tɔ o. (Dzobo # 122). Translation 2: The anvil is not too heavy for its owner. Proverb 3: Dɔdɔameɖokui meyɔa mo o. (Dzobo # 123). Translation 3: You do not grumble [lit., frown your face] about selfimposed or self-chosen tasks. Proverb 4: Womeɖoa tɔ tso gakɔa ko ɖe dzi o. (Dzobo # 30). Translation 4: If you make up your mind to cross a river by wading through it, do not complain about getting your stomach wet. Proverb 5: Fiafitɔ meɖua wua agbletɔ o. (Dzobo # 31). Translation 5: The thief does not reap (lit., eat) more than the farmer [lit., farm owner]. These five proverbs refer to activities like farming (Proverbs 1 and 5), the work of the black[gold]smith (Proverb 2). Proverbs 3–4 also refer to tasks people do voluntarily. Proverb 1 comes from farming communities where people who work on the grassland often have to deal with tall grass which causes skinirritation.29 Tall giant grass, like poison ivy, irritates the skin and people pay dearly for walking into them unknowingly. Proverb 1speaks about a person who walks into tall giant grass and in so doing does not escape skin irritation, but it can also be applied metaphorically to a person who embarks on a very challenging task like creating a large farm, building a house, studying to achieve academic goals, raising a family as a young couple or single parent, or working as an apprentice to become a competent craftsperson. This proverb can be used when any of these people encounter problems with the tasks they are undertaking. The proverb encourages and motivates them to be steadfast and not give up on their undertaking. Whether taken literally (walking into tall giant grass and not escaping skin irritation) or undertaking a challenge with many obstacles, this proverb teaches people not to give up as every valuable venture in life comes with a certain number of challenges. Proverb 2 refers to a professional blacksmith or goldsmith, who uses an anvil (a very heavy hammer) to produce other tools. The smith’s profession demands that he should use an anvil and he cannot refuse to work because of the weight of the anvil. Proverbs 3 and 4 are similar to Proverb 2. In Proverb 3 29 See Dzobo, African Proverbs…, 28–29. 46 Chapter 2 people, who voluntarily impose tasks on themselves should not grumble about self-imposed tasks even if they feel the tasks are too demanding. Similarly those who wallow in water or to swim should not complain about getting their stomachs wet (Proverb 4). Proverbs 1–4 can all be used in similar contexts to teach people to be diligent. When people take on tasks they have chosen they must be prepared to face the challenges if they are to succeed and not be deterred by the obstacles that come along with the tasks. Proverb 5 refers to the thief who does not reap or eat more than the farm owner. The thief must act surreptitiously by taking only a little bit of the farm produce to avoid being caught. This proverb warns the ‘thief’ not to avoid necessary work by using illegitimate means to take other people’s possessions. Thieves who use illegitimate means lack diligence and will reap little in comparison to the diligent farmer who owns the farm and thus reaps the full harvest. Proverb 5 teaches that it would be better for the thief or anyone who is looking for a quick gain to be diligent and do some profitable work (like the farmer), rather than living off the means of others. Proverb 5 also encourages the farmer that every undertaking in life (like farming) has challenges. The farmer risks that some of his produce will be stolen and so he must be prepared for the great challenge of some loss of farm produce. But this should not be a setback to deter him from reaching his full potential and doing his work persistently and diligently. Apart from the literal meanings and applications, each of the five folk proverbs can be applied metaphorically to a variety of other situations to promote diligence and a positive work ethic, e.g., for people who are about to embark on a new trade, business venture, long journey or training for a profession. These activities may involve several difficulties which may force those who embark on them to give up or withdraw from the project. The proverbs teach people that in spite of the challenges, they must persevere. These proverbs can also be used to warn people to be aware that any project they plan to undertake may have many challenges and they must think carefully before embarking on it them; they must be steadfast and proceed with diligence to complete the project successfully. Dzobo explains these proverbs suggesting that all efforts at gainful pursuit in life come with concurrent challenges and deterrents such as the losses which may ensue.30 However, people must persist and be diligent in performing their duties cheerfully without grumbling.31 Each of these proverbs 30 31 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 28–29. These Eʋe proverbs also teach the value of “patience” in that once people have set their faces to do something, they must be prepared to work at it patiently, persistently and with determination, even if the results of their hard work take a long time in coming. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 47 can be explained by [similar] English proverbs, “One does not befriend a leper and yet shun the leper’s embraces” and also “Know before you go; It is of no use to enter the water before enquiring, about which shark is the bad shark.” Dzobo is probably correct when he compares these proverbs to Jesus’ saying “Whoever puts his hand to the plow and looks back is not fit for service in the Kingdom of God.”32 2.5.c Laziness and Poverty A good number of Eʋe folk proverbs are used to warn people against negative character traits like laziness and mediocrity which result from a lack of diligence and risk poverty. The proverbs discussed below show that acts and their consequences go together. They teach diligence by encouraging hard work and condemning laziness. Proverb 1: Kuviatɔ ƒe agbleme da dzia vi ɖo. (Dzobo, # 42). Translation 1: The lazy man’s [person’s]33 farm is the breeding ground for snakes. Proverb 2: Kuviatɔ meŋlɔa mɔ to o. (Dzobo # 200). Translation 2: A lazy man [person] does not make a farm close to the footpath. Proverb 3: Zemeɖuɖɔla meɖia ƒo o. (Dzobo # 44). Translation 3: The person who licks the soup pot will never be filled. Proverb: 4: Dadi ƒoakae ɖua afi kuku. (Dzobo, # 46). Translation 4: The lazy cat eats dead mice. Proverb 5: Hiãtɔ ƒe agbo meɖoa kɔmedza o. (Dzobo # 48). Translation 5: The poor man’s [person’s] ram does not grow a mane. The Eʋe folk Proverbs 1 and 4 have positive forms while Proverbs 2, 3 and 5 have negative forms. While Proverbs 1, 2 and 3 use human beings to teach the virtue of diligence, Proverbs 4 and 5 use personified animals, for the same 32 33 See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 28–29, 59–60. See also Luke 9:62. Ghanaian society (including the Eʋe) is steeped in patriarchy and the use of patriarchal language is very common. In the discussion of Dzobo’s proverbs, the present author avoids patriarchal language by using inclusive language as much as possible. See http:// www.allthingsghana.com/ewe-proverbs website for some of these Eʋe proverbs. 48 Chapter 2 purpose. Proverbs 1 and 2 explicitly use the image of “the lazy person.” Proverb 1 paints the picture of the negligent lazy person whose farm is overgrown with weeds so that snakes make the farm their breeding place. Though Proverb 1 speaks specifically about the lazy person whose farm is taken over by snakes, the proverb can be used to warn people who are careless with their work against laziness and to teach them to become diligent. Children, students, parents, leaders or workers, who neglect their duties until they experience negative outcomes from their lack of diligence,34 can all be the subjects of these proverbs. When a matter that needs to be settled is allowed to linger unresolved, this proverb can be used to describe those who should have acted diligently to prevent the negative outcome. These proverbs teach people to employ positive work ethic for success and a good life. Like Proverb 1, Proverb 2 describes the consequences of slothfulness. It criticizes the lazy person who farms by the roadside and does not tend the farm. It suggests that the lazy farmer shows lack of diligence by not travelling to cultivate his farm he advertises laziness and shows public lack of diligence. The attitude shown by the farmer in Proverb 2 is similar to that of the farmer in Proverb 1 whose untended farm breeds snakes. Proverb 2 teaches the virtue of diligence in the performance of one’s duties. Both Proverbs 1 and 2 can be used to advise people against slothfulness and to avoid displaying their infirmities which have public negative outcomes. Metaphorically, the proverb can also be used for children or for those who behave as though they know everything yet lack knowledge about many issues. The proverb also warns older people who exhibit undesirable character traits in the community, for their lack of diligence and advise them to become diligent and reform their ways. Proverb 3 refers to the person who is a pot-licker and gets no satisfaction from licking other people’s pots. Proverb 4 speaks about the lazy cat that eats dead mice. Just as the pot-licker does not cook but goes from house to house licking other people’s empty cooking pots, the lazy cat does not hunt and kill its own prey but rather feeds on the mice that have been killed by others. Proverbs 3 and 4 present images of people who lack diligence and whose laziness causes them to live off the means of others and by so doing lose their dignity. Metaphorically, in real life contexts, these proverbs refer to those who 34 For example, just as a wound, which is left untreated can become an ulcer and develop into gangrene, and result in possible amputation, any matter that is left unaddressed can have very detrimental effects on the people involved. A child who pilfers or steals little things at home but is not checked by parents or guardians can become an armed robber in the near future. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 49 avoid diligent work to make a decent living but go about “living on the crumbs from the tables of others.”35 A truanting child can be described as a ‘soup pot-licker’, who is not satisfied (Proverb 3) or a ‘lazy cat’, that eats dead mice (Proverb 4) because he/she refuses to attend school or to work diligently for a living. Parents can warn their children about lack of diligence and teach them the virtue of diligence acquired through persistence in performing their duties so that they will have selfdignity and other people will not take advantage of them in the future. Parents who fail to bring up their children according to acceptable moral social standards and whose children are left to be wayward social misfits or adults can equally be described by these proverbs. A farmer, business leader, or anyone in a position of responsibility who fails to put in the effort needed for the success of the venture can also be admonished by these proverbs. Proverbs 3 and 4 also teach people to be diligent in dealing with personal challenges, personal family issues between spouses and siblings, and misunderstandings in friendships and other challenges in life. The proverbs teach people not to be over-dependent on other people for solutions to their problems since other people may not be able to offer them the correct solutions which fully address their needs. People who are over-dependent on others can be referred to as lazy ‘soup-pot lickers’ or ‘dead-mice eaters’. These proverbs teach people to work diligently to get to the root of their problems and work on appropriate solutions or resolutions. Proverb 5 speaks about the ram of a poor person which does not grow a mane. In Eʋe traditional society a ram takes some years to grow a mane.36 It is, therefore, considered unfortunate for a person to sell his ram before it has matured enough to grow a mane. A person who is poor for lack of working diligently can be compared to the poor owner of a ram who sells off the ram before it has grown a mane. This proverb suggests that people who lack persistence or diligence in their projects often dispose too quickly of what can be beneficial to them before the plans have been completed. Any premature venture that fails due to lack of diligent planning or adequate preparation can be referred to as “a ram without a mane.” Projects carried out diligently can be compared to a ram with a mane: the completed project is more valued. Proverb 5 can also be applied to a poor family who lacks the means to support its young members 35 36 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 34–35. Each of these proverbs has the form or logic of acts and consequences. Laziness results in poverty and dependence on others, while implicitly diligent hard work produces good rewards and self-sufficiency. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 35. This proverb can be used for any good venture that is undertaken prematurely and aborted because the conditions are not ripe for it. 50 Chapter 2 through school or vocational training. When young members of the family are compelled to grow up faster than they should by performing adult tasks prematurely, this proverb teaches the family to become more responsible and encourage the success of their young ones to boost the image of the family in future. The children in the above examples are, metaphorically, the ‘rams’ of the poor (their families or parents). The children are unable to develop their potential which can be compared to not ‘growing a mane’ before they are abandoned by their families. This proverb also has implications of a class hierarchy (poor versus rich–implied). Poor people often do not succeed because they lack the means to follow through their undertakings, whereas the rich (implied) can easily succeed because they have the means to do so. Proverb 5 can also be used in contexts where parents give up their daughters prematurely to be married to resolve their own economic needs. This group of proverbs teaches people to be diligent and to promote self-dignity for success in life. 2.5.d Acts and Resulting Consequences Like the previous five proverbs which address issues of laziness and poverty due to lack of diligence, the following four proverbs also speak about laziness, with similar results in life. As stated above, African Eʋe community frowns upon laziness but teaches the virtue of diligence through hard work and persistence to earn self-respect and dignity. Proverb 1: Avutɔ masẽmasẽ ƒe avu meléa lã o. (Dzobo #77)37 Translation 1: The dog of a timid owner can never be a good hunting dog. Proverb 2: Fia maƒo nu ƒe du ɖe wògbana. (Dzobo, #90). Translation 2: The town (i.e., the chiefdom) of a chief who does not talk falls apart.38 37 38 A similar proverb, used in Egypt says, “If you have to drag a dog to the hunt, neither he [i.e., the dog], nor his hunting is any good.” See http://www.special-dictionary.com/ proverbs/source/e/egyptian_proverb/189084.htm. Accessed October, 2013. Also there is another Ghanaian proverb, which says, “The strength of the palm tree is in its branches.” See http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/g/ghanaian_proverb/163628.htm. Acessed October 2013. Both of these proverbs can be used in similar situations as the Eʋe proverb above to show that diligence is not acquired through laziness or mediocrity but through hard work. This proverb about the “timid dog-owner” is used again later in this book to teach the virtue of diligence in antithetical/coordinating relationships. This proverb is similar to another African proverb, which says, “If you close your eyes to facts, you will learn through accidents.” See http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/ source/a/african_proverb/182397.htm. Accessed October 2013. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 51 Proverb 3: Ne èbe mafia o la mabi hã o. (Dzobo #45). Translation 3: If you say it will not burn, it will not cook either. Proverb 4: Malee, malee, ɖie wodɔna. (Dzobo, #130). Translation 4: I am going to bathe, I am going to bathe, leads to not taking a bath. Proverb 1 suggests that the timid person who owns a dog lacks the diligence to train his or her dog to be a brave and good hunter. Proverb 2, which speaks about the mute chief, whose chiefdom falls apart, is similar to Proverb 1. Like the owner of a timid dog, the mute chief is unable to make or enforce laws that can sustain the wellbeing of his town or chiefdom. Apart from their literal meanings, both Proverbs 1 and 2 can be used metaphorically in relation to for parents and their children. When children become social misfits because their parents do not prepare them to live according to socially acceptable moral standards, they can be compared to the ‘timid dog-owner’, whose dog (children) cannot be good hunters or to the ‘mute chief’, whose chiefdom falls (children who become social misfits). In Proverb 1, the children can be metaphorically referred to as ‘timid dogs’, because they bring no honor to their parents, their ‘owners’. The lack of training by parents prevents the children from becoming good hunters (i.e., children who fit into society). These two proverbs can also be applied to supervisors who are not diligent in supervising their team members: they too can be described as ‘timid dog-owners’ or ‘mute chiefs’, and their supervisees as the ‘dogs’, which cannot be either good hunters, or as the ‘fallen chiefdom’ of the mute chief. In the above examples, the retributive logic or ‘act-consequence’ logic becomes evident in the negative or positive results of the acts involved, respectively. Diligence produces positive rewards and failure to work diligently can produce negative results.39 Apart from referring to parents and their children or supervisors and trainees these proverbs can also be used for people in other leadership positions, who are not diligent in their duties and close their eyes until the situations get out of hand. This is vividly portrayed in another African proverb discussed which suggests that when people close their eyes to the facts they must learn through accidents. When people ignore what is important they must face the consequences of their negligence. The proverbs can also be used for teachers or managers who lack diligence in performing tasks appropriate to their position, failing to correct mistakes of their employees. Both Proverbs 1 and 2 teach people to be 39 See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 33–36. Dzobo here suggests that negative acts go with negative rewards and vice versa. 52 Chapter 2 diligent by attending to important matters in the ‘teething stages’ so that the problems do not get out of control. When the negative consequences of people’s lack of diligence are exposed, these two proverbs highlight their disgrace for not being diligent. Proverbs 3 and 4 also convey a retributive logic. This logic is seen in the negative evaluations of the acts that lack diligence. Proverb 3 speaks about how something cannot be completely cooked unless some of it burns up, and Proverb 4 notes how procrastination in taking a bath can result in not bathing at all. Proverb 3 refers to the practice of roasting yams in farming communities during the planting season. When yam heads (seeds) are being prepared for planting, the pieces that are cut from the yam seeds are either boiled or roasted for food on the farm over or in open firewood fires. When the cut pieces of yam are roasted in the fire, the outer part of the yam is completely charred or burnt along with a little piece of the edible part and this partial burning of the edible yam ensures that the yam is properly cooked for eating. Anyone who is impatient and does not allow a piece of the edible yam to burn would have to eat the partially cooked yam. In effect, the English saying, “If nothing is invested, nothing can be gained,” can be used to explain Proverb 3. This proverb teaches people to be diligent when performing their duties and it also teaches people to make allowances for some eventualities or losses if they want to gain something more valuable from their undertakings. Proverb 3 further teaches people to be intentional about sacrificing some of their physical pleasures or comforts such as, their time and energy in doing things from which they expect success or good outcomes. This proverb can teach a student who does not spend time studying but expects good grades or a worker who does not work diligently that good grades or results require the investment of time and energy. This proverb can be related to the English saying, “No cross, No crown,” which suggests that success can be achieved only by making worthwhile sacrifices in life.40 Apart from promoting diligence, Proverb 3 can also be used to teach people who lack diligence and are set in their ways to be flexible and open to advice to forge ahead and succeed in life. It teaches people who insist that their ideas are always correct to be diligent through their openness to the constructive ideas and opinions of other people. The proverb can also be used to teach people who are difficult to deal with (children, parents, spouses, siblings, or managers) to be diligent in acknowledging that their ideas may not always be correct. As such, they must sometimes change to agree with other people. Proverb 40 See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 34. Dzobo suggests that success in life must be accompanied by worthwhile sacrifices. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 53 3 teaches people that to succeed they must not be rigid. An English expression, which can be used to explain this proverb is “If you would not bend, you would break.” In Proverb 4, the person, who keeps procrastinating and postponing taking a bath, often never takes a bath before going to bed. In farming villages, sometimes, when a farmer returns from the farm and is asked to take a bath, the farmer might decide to recline in a lazy chair or couch for a little while with the excuse that he will take a bath later. However, as it often happens, the farmer falls asleep and does not take a bath till the next morning. Proverb 4, teaches people who keep putting off what they can do now to later to be diligent. The proverb can be used in other situations, e.g., when a farmer keeps postponing when to sow his seeds during the farming season until the planting season is over, when people delay taking important actions with the excuse that they will do so later, when children play truant and refuse to go to school when they should be in school, when people plan new business ventures but never actually implement their plans. The proverb warns against procrastination to avoid the negative consequences which might result from putting off what they can do now till later. This proverb can be explained by the English sayings, “Procrastination is the thief of time” and “Time and Tide wait for no one.” The performance contexts, in which the foregoing African Eʋe folk proverbs are used, suggest that proverbs can be applied to single or multiple situations; one proverb can be used to teach the virtue of diligence in a number of different situations or several proverbs can be used to teach a single lesson. 2.5.e Perseverance and Determination Spell Success In contrast to the above proverbs which warn people against negative character traits or vices and the consequences of lack of diligence, the following proverbs encourage positive action and teach virtues that promote the good of the community and its members. The following group of proverbs, which fall under the rubrics of “Diligence: Perseverance and Determination Spell Success” can be easily understood literally. However, they can take on a variety of metaphorical meanings and have several moral applications depending on the circumstances to which they are applied. The proverbs teach the virtue of diligence, perseverance and determination, which lead to success in life. Proverb 1: Tɔmedela menoa ba o. (Dzobo # 43).41 Translation 1: The person who goes to draw water does not drink mud. 41 This proverb is also discussed earlier in this chapter as an example of a negative “o” proverb. 54 Chapter 2 Proverb 2: Mɔzɔlae sea ‘ɖoaƒe’. Translation 2: The traveler is the one who hears ‘welcome home’. Proverb 3: Agbonyila medɔa akɔlɔ̃ e o. (Dzobo # 198). Translation 3: The keeper of a ram does not take a nap. Proverb 4: Womeɖoa sisi gadɔa alɔ̃ o. (Dzobo # 151). Translation 4: You do not go to sleep when you plan to escape. Proverb 5: Ati si le amesi lae wotsɔ ƒoa dae. (Dzobo # 99) Translation 5: You kill a snake with the club you have in your hand. Proverb 6: Atadi memaa aɖe o. (Dzobo # 50). Translation 6: The tongue is never used to the sharpness of pepper (slightly modified). These six (6) proverbs speak about a range of human activities. Proverb 1 refers to one of the chores of women and children in traditional Eʋe society who get up early and go to fetch fresh, clean water from the public wells, springs or community hydrants.42 Although Proverb 1 is used for the diligent activity of those who fetch water and do not drink mud, it can also be used to praise people, who have been diligent and succeeded in undertaking an arduous or challenging task. Their diligence can be likened to “going to fetch water” and their success can be likened to “not drinking mud.” This proverb can also be used to praise the diligence of a student who has passed a major examination, an apprentice who has successfully completed training, a trader or a farmer who has brought in good harvests after unfavorable weather conditions, a parent who has brought up wellbehaved, successful children, or indeed anyone who has successfully completed a challenging task. The proverb seeks to teach people to be diligent in the performance of their duties so that their efforts can be crowned with success. Proverb 2, speaks about a person who is welcomed home after returning from a long journey and is similar to Proverb 1. Just as the person who goes to fetch water and does not drink mud, so the traveler who returns from a long journey is welcomed home. Though Proverb 2 speaks about a traveler returning from a long journey, the lesson it teaches about diligence is applicable to the contexts and situations of Proverb 1. Proverbs 1 and 2 can be used to praise the achievements of people who have worked diligently and have successfully 42 See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 33–34. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 55 completed challenging undertakings. Proverb 2 metaphorically, refers to such people as those who have “traveled” “a long journey” and to their achievements and successful undertakings and the praises that go with them as “welcome home.” Proverb 2 is similar to another proverb, “Mɔ didi megbɔa du ŋuti yina o.”43 This proverb means, “Every long journey has its destination.” Thus, a person, who has diligently completed a long journey by persevering and succeeding with a very challenging task can be said to have arrived at a destination. This proverb, like Proverb 2, teaches people not give up when they embark on any project because they are bound to reap the fruits of their labors if they persevere diligently to the end. Apart from praising people for succeeding in the face of challenges, these two proverbs can also be used to warn people against laziness and to teach people to be diligent in whatever they do. A child, spouse, housekeeper, farmhand, apprentice, who is bullied, abused or mistreated yet is diligent and succeeds in life, can be the subject of these proverbs. To succeed in spite of challenges, teaches people that “No condition is permanent” and that every obstacle can be overcome. An abused person who nonetheless succeeds in life can be encouraged by this proverb: a state which seemed unbearable at the time, like a long journey, can have an ultimate destination. The English saying, “The end crowns the work,” is a good illustration of the meanings of these two proverbs. Proverb 3 refers to a person, who breeds rams, a common practice in traditional African Eʋe society. The ram is a very strong and steady animal and is normally kept tethered except when let loose to graze. When it is left unattended, a ram can cause a lot of damage to other people’s property or can get lost, either in another person’s pen because it follows the females or it can be stolen. The ram is a quick animal and can lead its owner on a wild chase if it is left unattended. The owner of a ram must be very alert to void debt from damage caused to another person’s property. Proverb 4 is similar to Proverb 3 and its message is that if a person plans to escape, he must not go to sleep. Proverbs 3 and 4 can be applied, metaphorically, to anyone who is involved in an important undertaking or a challenging venture. The proverbs advice the person to be focused to succeed since veering off can result in loss or failure. The parents of a clever child can be advised to 43 Another similar African proverb to this one is “However long the night, the dawn will break.” See http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_proverb/60538.htm. Accessed October, 2013. This proverb suggest that no matter how arduous a task may be, if it is performed diligently, its end is crowned with success. This is similar also to an earlier Buganda proverb, which says, “By trying often, the monkey learns to jump from a tree.” See http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/c/cameroonian_proverb/63047.htm. Accessed October, 2013. 56 Chapter 2 do all they can for their child to succeed. The parents or spouse of a beautiful young woman or a handsome young man can also be advised to be vigilant to guide their children or spouses in the right direction. An industrious business person can be warned not to be lax but to be diligent to preserve what has been built up. The proverbs teach people to be as vigilant as the keeper of a ram and not to be lax when facing challenging or difficult situations, or figuratively, not to go to sleep when they plan to run to succeed in life. These proverbs teach people by advising them to be diligent in their undertakings to preserve what they have worked for or by warning them not to allow anything to prevent them from pursuing their goals. Proverb 5 speaks about using whatever club one has for killing a snake; it can also be used metaphorically to teach people to make the most of what they have by fully employing their abilities in accomplishing tasks in hand.44 Proverb 5 can be used for a child who is never content with anything and craves for what other people have (siblings, parents, clothing, family, etc.). The proverb is used to teach such a child to be content with what he or she has and not ask for what belongs to others. Parents who think they have the worst children can also be advised by this proverb to appreciate what they have. Farmers, masons, carpenters or trades persons, who keep feeling that they are inadequate or do not have the tools for performing their jobs well, can be taught by this proverb to make the best use of the tools or talents they have to produce what they can to an optimum level. According to Proverb 6, the tongue never gets used to the sharpness of pepper. This proverb teaches, metaphorically, that there is no shortcut to diligence and perseverance. The proper discharge of one’s duties calls for diligent preparation for the challenges that come with every undertaking. Proverb 6 can be used to encourage a child or anyone working at a task in which other people have succeeded in that life’s ventures are always accompanied by challenges, which cannot be wished away; people must adjust to them just like pepper is always sharp to the tongue yet the tongue continues to taste it. Along with the proverbs analyzed above under “Diligence: Perseverance and Determination” are the following three Eʋe folk proverbs, which employ animal imagery to teach diligence as we have already shown in a number of proverbs. The following three proverbs have similar application contexts as the six in the preceding group. In this group the animals are not merely ordinary 44 Apart from teaching people to be diligent with their undertakings, the proverb also teaches people to make the most of what they have for maximum results. A person who has $10.00 (ten dollars) in his or her pocket book for shopping can only buy what is worth the ten dollars and not what is worth a $100.00 (hundred dollars). Such a person must, therefore, shop for what is of the uttermost worth that the pocket book can pay for. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 57 images but they actually speak thus giving the morals more emphasis. In the first group, the proverbs speak about the activities of human subjects, but the following group speaks about human activities in which animals are personified as subjects. As well as their literal meaning, these proverbs can be used, metaphorically, for people who are determined to succeed and who do not quit until they succeed, in spite of the challenges. The positive results of the activities in these proverbs show that diligence pays off. Proverb 1: Klo be yedila meli o, eyata yedia ye ɖokui le agbe me. (Dzobo, # 131). Translation 1: The tortoise says it has nobody to bury it when it dies that is why it buries itself while it is still alive.45 Proverb 2: Ha be ŋdi tsie nye tsi. (Dzobo, # 157). Translation 2: The pig says the morning rain is the best. Proverb 3: ʋaʋã46 be degbɔdegbɔe tua xɔ. (pe).47 Translation 3: The wasp says it is by going and coming [i.e., taking frequent trips to the mud pit] that you build a house. Proverbs 1–3 above are declarations made by the tortoise, the pig and the wasp, respectively. In Proverb 1 the tortoise has no one to bury it when it dies so it buries itself while it is still alive. In the cultural context of the Eʋe peoples, it is rare but not uncommon to find a dead tortoise. The live tortoise is often found buried in a hole, which the tortoise digs for itself in the sand. People who see the tortoise lying in the sand hole often mistake it for being a dead one but when the tortoise is left alone in that hole, after a while, is crawls away from the sand hole in which it was originally found. Since no one bothers to bury a dead tortoise, the tortoise is cognizant of this and, therefore, it simulates its own 45 46 47 See Dzobo’s explanation of this proverb in African Proverbs, 62. In some communities the words “lĩlĩ,” “wasp” or “anyidi” (i.e., red, white or black ants) are used instead of ʋaʋã. An observation of these little creatures at work is a source of encouragement and a lesson for human beings that determination and diligence in undertaking a task results in success or great achievements. The African proverb “By crawling a child learns to stand” (see http://www.special-dictionary .com/proverbs/source/w/west_african_proverb/91274.htm. Accessed October, 2013) and the Buganda proverb from Uganda, which says, “By trying often the monkey learns to jump from a tree,” (see http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/b/buganda _proverb/191861.htm. Accessed October, 2013) also teach the value of diligence through persistence and perseverance. 58 Chapter 2 burial in its lifetime. This proverb teaches people to be diligent and to always make advance preparations for the future since the future is uncertain and nobody else can make the appropriate provisions for another person’s future. The proverb further, teaches people not to be over-dependent on others but to work diligently toward their own survival and success. Parents can advise their newly employed children to put aside part of their income for a rainy day or for any eventuality. This proverb can also advise people to purchase some kind of insurance against any adversity that can befall them in future. Parents can also be advised by this proverb to take good care of their children so that when the parents grow old and cannot provide for themselves, their children would take up the responsibility of caring for them. A diligent, industrious youngster, who works hard to avoid poverty, can be praised by this proverb to show that in order to avoid the hardship and disgrace that go with poverty, he or she must work diligently. If the ancestors of this youngster had been poor, he overcomes poverty by his diligence. In Proverb 2, the pig says, “The morning rain is the best” because its skin gets hot in the sun and it loves to wallow in water. As such, when it rains in the morning, it is very soothing to the pig. In the African Eʋe cultural context, the morning is figuratively aligned with early success in life and Proverb 2 can, therefore, be applied to grabbing opportunities when they come and making the most of them. Young people can be taught by this proverb to be diligent, to work assiduously and to be productive in their youthful days. This proverb also teaches people to see the best part of things, to appreciate and make use of them, and not take chances or toy with golden opportunities. The contexts of Proverb 1 can apply to Proverb 2 as well. Proverb 3 speaks about the activity of the wasp in going back and forth to the mud pit to bring mud for building its nest or “house.” The task of getting mud for building a nest in this way is very arduous but the wasp is persistent and gets the work completed. Proverb 3 creates the image of wasps flying back and forth from the mud-pit to a particular corner of a house and through their diligence and perseverance they are able to build large nests of mud. A close observation of the nest after every trip reveals a little wet clay addition to the nest, which becomes a sizeable nest in which the wasp lays its eggs and breeds its young ones. This proverb teaches people that when they are determined and diligent in performing their duties, they will achieve great things. Students can be encouraged by Proverb 3 to keep on studying little by little even though learning is a tough exercise until they succeed. The proverb can also be used for masons who think building a house is difficult, or for weavers who think weaving cloth, baskets and mats is hard work, or traders, housekeepers or others who consider their jobs as being too difficult to accomplish. The proverb spurs these The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 59 people on to begin and keep going steadily at the tasks even if they seem difficult and take a long time to accomplish. The proverb, therefore, teaches people that if they take one necessary step at a time, diligently with determination without relenting, they can accomplish huge tasks. The proverb can also be used in other instances to warn lazy people to apply themselves to diligent work. As with the other Eʋe proverbs analyzed above, there is a degree of retributive or act-consequence logic embedded in all of the foregoing proverbs. These proverbs speak implicitly about the value of diligence, alertness, a good work ethic and intentionality, which bring success in life. They teach people that when they put the necessary effort into any good venture, they will achieve good results. These proverbs suggest that those who work diligently eat the fruits of their labor and that hard work provides comfort and satisfaction because hard work has its own rewards.48 While the proverbs encourage people to work hard, to attain success and have a good life in the future, they also warn people to steer away from laziness. The proverbs apply to people of lower status in society but they can apply equally to those with higher status who engage in business ventures. When a manager or business owner fails to exercise good supervision or have a clear vision for success, the business can easily collapse. This group of proverbs therefore, advises anyone engaged in any kind of undertaking to be diligent, to persevere to succeed and not fail for lack of diligence. 2.5.f Order of Relationships In the Eʋe community, great importance is attached to the order in which things happen in relationships. Such relationships can be between two things or people, who can either be antithetical or opposed to each other or one relationship can follow the other as a norm. The first parts of the following proverbs acts as a prerequisite or condition for the fulfillment of their second parts. The rhetoric employed in describing these relationships in the proverbs makes the proverbs very easy to memorize. Proverb 1: Fiẽ medaa aba via zɔna le anyigba o. (Dzobo # 79). Translation 1: The mother monkey does not swing from a tree, while its young walks on the ground.49 48 49 See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 34–36, 59, 69, 71, 84. All the proverbs listed above teach people the virtue of diligence, which is exhibited through working with perseverance in order to achieve success in one form or another in life. The Tonga proverb, “A child of the kwale bird learns to fly,” (see http://www.afriprov .org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/19-2008proverbs/388-july2008 .html. Accessed October, 2013) which is used also in Zambia, Malawi and Zimbabwe, is 60 Chapter 2 Proverb 2: Ati si fofo tsɔ kpa dati lae via hã tsɔ kpanɛ. (Dzobo, # 82).50 Translation 2: A child makes a bow from the same type of tree that his father uses. Proverb 3: Ta menɔa anyi klo ɖɔa kuku o. (Dzobo # 81). Translation 3: The knee does not wear a hat while the head does not. Proverb 4: Gbamido be ahamenɔla memua aha o. (Dzobo, 78). Translation 4: The oil palm beetle says, “The palm wine tapper does not get intoxicated. These proverbs speak about human beings (Proverb 2), animals (Proverbs 1 and 4) and body parts (Proverb 3), respectively. In their application, they teach people in positions of leadership or authority to be diligent by setting good examples for their followers. They also teach those, who follow leaders or people in authority to be diligent in emulating their leaders or authority figures. Proverbs 1 and 2, for instance, show how parents set examples for their young. In these two proverbs, the mother monkey and the human father set examples for the baby monkey and son, respectively. As the mother monkey swings from tree to tree, so does the baby monkey. Similarly, as a son watches his father make bows, he learns to use the same type of stick as his father does to make a bow. While Proverbs 1 and 2 are used in real life contexts in the Eʋe community to teach parents to be intentional in setting good examples for their children, they are also used to teach children or the young to diligently observe and emulate their parents. For instance, the daughter of a good home-maker can be taught by these proverbs to do the things her mother does so that she too can be a good home-maker. These proverbs can also describe the children who emulate their parents and have successful marriages like their parents whose marriages are successful. The children of a diligent farmer, lawyer, doctor, nurse, drummer or singer can also be taught by these proverbs to be as diligent as their parents by learning and engaging in the occupation of 50 similar to the above Eʋe proverbs and also teaches diligence, which comes by emulating good examples of determination and hard work. See http://afriprov.org-daily-lifeline/ proverbs.com/category. Accessed October, 2013. Proverbs 1–3 are similar to an Asante proverb from Ghana which says, “When you follow in the path of your father, you will learn to walk like him.” In effect, if a person emulates his or her parents, he or she will exhibit the character traits and other virtues of his or her parents. This proverb is found in http://afritorial.com/the-best-72-african-wise-proverbs. Accessed October, 2013. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 61 their parents. In these proverbs both parents and children are taught to be diligent by either teaching or learning from each other. These proverbs can also be used for parents or leaders who lack diligence and who do not set good examples for their children and other people to emulate. In this latter context, the proverbs serve as a form of criticism of the parents or leaders, who lack diligence, and who are not focused about setting good examples for their children or followers to emulate. This proverb can be deployed for a tradesperson who does not allow others to learn the trade or for a chief, who does not allow his heir to practice how to rule. A parent who is a thief and has a child who is also a thief can also be shamed by these proverbs. If, however, a child is lazy and does not learn the parents’ trade, that child can also be disgraced by these proverbs. The proverbs teach the lazy child to learn the parents’ diligence, on the one hand, or on the other hand, they can teach parents to help their children to emulate them. Also, if some members of a wealthy person’s family become poor, the proverb can be a disgraceful reference to the wealthy person for neglecting family members. In this latter use the proverb can also refer to lazy family members advising them to get involved in honest diligent work to maintain the status of their wealthy families. Proverbs 1 and 2 can be explained by the English saying, “Like father like son,” or “Like mother, like daughter.” Proverb 3 speaks about a fact of life, namely that a hat is usually worn on the head and not on the knee. This proverb teaches diligence encouraging people to do things appropriately. Metaphorically, it warns against altering the natural order of things (i.e., the head should not shift its responsibility to the knee nor should the knee usurp the authority of the head). In Proverb 3 the head, which can figuratively represent a parent, leader or someone in authority admonishes that person not to shirk responsibility but to carry out the duties pertaining to the position with diligence by instilling good morals. Conversely, the proverb teaches the child or apprentice not to try to usurp the roles of an adult or a master just as the knee must not wear a hat when the head is present. If a supervisor is not diligent, this proverb can be used to call him or her to take responsibility by being diligent and not shifting responsibility to supervisees or subordinates. The proverb will act as advice to the supervisor to be diligent by exercising the appropriate authority and a supervisee, who tries to usurp the authority of the supervisor, can be advised that as a “knee” he or she should remember that the hat is meant for the head. Since it is the head that wears a hat and not the knee, Proverb 3 can also be deployed in teaching the virtue of humility in which case honor or respect must be given appropriately. Proverb 4 describes the palm wine tapper [one who literally dwells in palm wine], by the oil palm beetle as one who does not get intoxicated. The oil palm 62 Chapter 2 beetle is a white fatty worm that teems in the felled oil palm tree and is often seen floating inside the fermented alcoholic palm wine. It can be concluded that the beetle drinks the fermented alcoholic juice and is, therefore, already intoxicated. Since the beetle is so used to the situation of dwelling in the booze from the oil palm tree, boozing has become its second nature. This is the reason why the beetle cannot be intoxicated by the booze any more than it already is. Metaphorically, when a person is diligent, the person is so meticulous that nothing can hinder their diligent performance of duty. Another explanation of Proverb 4 suggests that the palm wine tapper is comparable to a business manager who must be level-headed at all times.51 It can be concluded that people, who apply themselves diligently to what they do and do not care what others say about them, often justify their opinions and call on others to do the same. Thus people should not allow circumstances or other people to deter them from their intentions but must resolve to follow through in spite of all odds especially those that occur in relationships and other matters in life.52 Proverb 4 can be applied to people, who are very diligent but complacent with their work and will not give in to what others say by way of correction. Another Eʋe proverb from my own personal experience is “Tɔmekpe mesea avuvɔ o.” This proverb means, “A rock in the river does not feel the cold.” In a positive way, a person who works diligently but is not appreciated or a person who becomes attuned to hard work can be compared to the beetle or the palm wine tapper, who is inside the booze, and nothing can move it away from the determination to succeed. This proverb is similar to another Eʋe proverb, which says, “Ame nɔŋu menya nyɔna o.” This means, “A person who is wide awake cannot be awakened.” The interpretation of this proverb can be, “It is futile to try to change the outlook of people who are set in their ways or who hold certain opinions about work ethic and themselves.” Any attempt to do this will not succeed because that person will never change just as the palm wine tapper, who never gets intoxicated.53 As much as the foregoing proverbs can be understood literally, they can also be used metaphorically to encourage the qualities of diligence, courage, 51 52 53 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 46. According to Dzobo, “The leader must be steadfast and levelheaded and he or she cannot afford to lose his or her head because of the position or status as a leader.” The proverbs can also be used in reference to traits that are hereditary (e.g., agility, wisdom, industry, various talents and other exceptional characteristics of parents or authority figures) that are passed down from parents to their children or from leaders to their followers. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 46. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 63 boldness, level-headedness, responsible action and hard work, on the one hand, and to discourage negative examples, on the other.54 2.6 The Virtue of “Humility” This part of Chapter Two focusses on the discussion of the virtue of Humility using a number of proverbs as was the case with the virtue of Diligence above. In the Eʋe cultural context, the virtue of humility is highly cherished and this is shown by the Eʋe words used to describe it. These words are “ɖokuibɔbɔ” and “fafa.”55 The first word is a combination of two words “ɖokui” meaning “self” and “bɔbɔ” meaning “bending down,” “lowering,” “abasing,” or “exhibiting meekness.” The second word, “fafa” means being “peaceful,” “calm” or “cool.” These Eʋe words are similar to what John K. Roth describes in the ethical tradition, which is upheld in the West, as humility. In this ethical tradition, “humility” is considered to be “self-deprecation, modesty or submission, a lack of egoism or arrogance.”56 According to Roth, the significance of humility is “based in a belief in one’s inferiority or simply in one’s lack of superiority rooted in the equality of all.”57 Roth sees the ethical status of humility as very different in different value systems, whereby individualist and non-egalitarian systems despise humility, but those for whom pride is a sin, esteem humility as one of the greatest goods.58 The latter part of Roth’s definition that “those for whom pride is a sin, esteem humility as one of the greatest goods” is the meaning that pertains among the Eʋe peoples who consider humility also as selflessness, respect, self-examination, making sacrifices in the face of difficult and tedious tasks, giving credit where credit is due, faithfulness and a lack of false pride, among others. These descriptions of humility fit Aristotle’s list of moral virtues, which he describes as the intermediate mean between two vices, one of excess and the other of deficiency. For Aristotle, while the vice of pride or boastfulness is having an excessively favorable opinion of oneself, “humility” is being deficient in favorable opinion of oneself.59 54 55 56 57 58 59 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 46–47. Akrofi, et al, An English, Akan, Eʋe, Ga Dictionary, 125. John K. Roth, ed. Ethics: Revised Edition vol. 2 (Pasadena, California, Hackensack, New Jersey: Salem Press Inc., 1994, 2005), 694–695. See also Aristotle’s, Nichomachean Ethics (trans. and ed. Roger Crisp; New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2000). Roth, Ethics, ibid. Roth, Ethics, 694. See Aristotle, Nichomachean Ethics, 695. 64 Chapter 2 Humility, among the Eʋe peoples also involves what R.E.C. Browne describes as awareness or a consciousness of a person’s defects or shortcomings which prevent the person from being proud or self-assertive, by exhibiting modesty which reduces arrogance and self-dependence and encourages meekness and submission; this is often used reflexively in reference to the divine.60 Even though some of the definitions offered for humility implicitly refer to selfabasement or a form of timidity, this trait is sometimes despised—i.e., when someone is “humiliated” or when the person displays humility instead of courage. In spite of this notion of self-abasement, humility may be seen as negative: the proverbs we discuss in this part of Chapter Two point to the virtue of humility which avoids pride and is honored and respected. Among the Eʋe, those who exhibit the virtue of humility, as described above, are highly respected. Conversely, the lack of humility – pride, arrogance or self-­assertion – is seen as a vice and is frowned upon. Humility is highly valued: thus many proverbs in the Eʋe language teach the virtue of humility. Several are discussed by Dzobo but he does not necessarily categorize them as humility apart from some exceptions.61 We should note here that many Eʋe proverbs about humility refer to children, baby animals and other “small” or immature things. Due to the natural limitation of children and other small creatures in the world, proverbs using such images are an excellent vehicle for teaching the positive values of humility. 2.6.a Children—Awareness of Abilities/Capabilities Most Eʋe folk proverbs which are concerned with humility employ children as their subjects. This is because children lack the physical size, strength and maturity of adults and are unable to perform some tasks. Thus, the proverbs in this category compare easy and difficult tasks and usually involve what a young person or novice can accomplish easily and what they cannot. The proverbs which follow in the next two groups employ the imagery of the young to teach humility. Proverb 1: Ɖevi gba abɔbɔgo megbaa klogo o. (Dzobo # 3). Translation 1: The child who breaks a snail’s shell cannot break a tortoise’s shell. 60 61 R.E.C. Browne, “Humility” in A Dictionary of Christian Ethics, John Macquarrie ed. (London, scm Press Ltd., 1967), 159–160. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 39–43. Dzobo lists these proverbs (60–69) under his moral traits category 23. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 65 Proverb 2: Ɖevi ka akplẽ gã mekaa nya gã o. (Dzobo # 8). Translation 2: A child can swallow large quantities of cornmeal food but cannot handle challenging matters. Proverb 3: Ɖevi ɖɔ ametsitsi kuku eƒe ta ɖe wòbuna ɖe eme. (Dzobo, # 12). Translation 3: The head of a child that wears an adult’s hat is always all covered up to his face.62 Proverb 4: [Ðe]Vi dzro nu medzroa golo ƒe azi o. (Dzobo # 7). Translation 4: A [child] beggar can beg for some things but cannot beg for the egg of an ostrich.63 Each of these four proverbs about children describes two sets of activities. In Proverb 1, a child can easily break the shell of a snail because it is soft but the shell of a tortoise is too hard for a child to break. Likewise in Proverb 2 a child, who is able to eat a big morsel of food, cannot tolerate tough issues otherwise he or she will get into trouble. Proverb 3 speaks about a child who can put on a hat, but whose head and face get lost in a hat designed for an adult as it is too big for a child’s small head. Proverb 4 cautions that a child who craves things should not crave an ostrich egg since this egg is too large for the child to hold or eat. An ostrich lays its eggs on mountains far away from human habitation and is rare so it cannot be easily found and given to a child who craves it. A child craving for the egg of an ostrich would be seeking to die as the ostrich guards its eggs jealously and would not allow anyone, let alone children, to tamper with its eggs. Each of these proverbs, when taken literally, is easily understood and shows that the first activity is easy but not the second. A child or an immature person can perform the first task, but the second activity is difficult even impossible. These second situations can be hazardous and are beyond the power of a child 62 63 A Sudanese proverb, which is similar to the above proverb says, “A large chair does not make a king.” See http://afritorial.com/the-best-72-african-wise-proverbs and www .quotationspage.com. Accessed October, 2013. This proverb teaches humility in that a chair may be large but it does not turn the person who sits on it into a king. In other words, the English saying, “Appearances are deceptive,” can be an explanation of these proverbs. Dzobo’s translation of proverb 4 is different from its literal meaning. He renders it as “A child that craves for things, does not crave for the egg of an ostrich” (African Proverbs, 20). The translation of the proverb given above seeks to provide a more literal meaning than Dzobo gives. 66 Chapter 2 or an immature person to perform. The literal meanings of the sayings form the basis for the different ways in which they are used. Proverbs 1, 2 and 4, for example, can be used for people who have succeeded with some tasks but are not quite prepared for more challenging things. Junior High school students who pass their Junior High School examination and brag about their ability to pass examinations at a higher level like College or Graduate School examinations can be addressed by these proverbs. If the student attempts and fails higher level examinations, these proverbs can be used to teach that student to accept with humility that which he or she can do with the ability of a Junior High School student and not to attempt what is beyond that level. A person, who gets hurt trying to ride a motor bike and can only ride a bicycle, can also be taught by these proverbs to be humble in assessing their own capability for undertaking risky tasks. Proverbs 2 and 3 can teach children or immature people to be humble. When a child emerges as a leader among his peers and begins to act like an adult by interfering with the affairs of adults, this child can be overwhelmed by adult affairs. This proverb can then be used to teach the child to be wary of trying to deal with issues beyond his/her ability because as in Proverb 3 the head of that child would be lost in the hat of an adult. The proverbs speak about some tasks that a child can perform and others that are impossible and they are intended to teach that young people are immature and can only do certain things but not everything. They teach young human beings to be humble and learn to “Cut their coats according to their cloth,” as the English saying expresses it. The sayings can also be used in several other life contexts to teach other people, including youth and adults not to over-estimate their abilities but to know their limits and with humility not to over-step them. An adult who accomplishes one feat in life and boasts about being able to perform more difficult tasks can be taught to be humble. An adult, who claims to have knowledge about matters he or she is ignorant of and tries to put down those who do have the knowledge can be advised by this proverb not to be proud by claiming knowledge of everything. An adult who claims to know everything about marriage or child-bearing, but does not know much about these matters can be taught to be humble. The following three Eʋe proverbs also use children or the young to teach humility, but they differ from those analyzed above. Whereas the earlier proverbs teach people to know their limits and not overstep their boundaries or over-estimate their capabilities, this further group of proverbs deal with unacceptable behavior which goes against societal norms or the hierarchical structure of society. In these proverbs importance is attached to doing things properly and in an orderly manner by teaching that young people should ‘know their place’ and not attempt to usurp the authority of adults. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 67 Proverb 1: Adekplɔvi menɔa ŋgɔ na adelã o. (Dzobo # 67). Translation 1: The hunter’s apprentice does not lead his master-hunter. Proverb 2: Vi metsɔa fofoa ɖe kɔ dzi be wòakpɔ yame o. (Dzobo # 62). Translation 2: A child does not pick up his father on his[her] shoulders to help him [i.e., the father] see the sky.64 Proverb 3: Fiavi meyɔna na azɔlĩ o. (Dzobo # 109) Translation 3: The chief’s son [i.e., the prince] should not be in a hurry to walk royally like a chief. Proverb 1 derives from hunting and is applied to teaching the hunter’s apprentice to be humble and not attempt to usurp his master’s authority. In the Eʋe cultural context, it is a common practice for hunters to go hunting with their apprentices. The hunter always leads the way because he is more mature and understands the woods, the dangers involved as well as the techniques for catching game. The apprentice normally follows the hunter so he or she can learn from the master hunter. It would be dangerous for the apprentice to go ahead since he does not yet know the techniques of hunting and the dangers involved. Apart from its literal application, the proverb can be used in other situations, e.g., any situation where a less knowledgeable or less mature person attempts to act as a guide for a more knowledgeable or mature person. The proverb can also be applied in connection with parents and children, teachers and pupils, doctors and patients, counselors and their clients, supervisors and their trainees. The former in each of these two person relationships should be given respect as the former usually has more technical know-how than the latter. Proverb 2, which shows that a child cannot carry his or her father on his shoulders to look at the sky, is similar to Proverb 1. The proverb alludes to a child’s desire to exchange roles with the parent under the pretense of being able to help the parent to have a better view of the sky. This proverb can be used to correct instances of extreme disrespect for an adult or when an inexperienced child acts in a way that suggests he or she claims to know better 64 A similar proverb used in Gambia is “An adult squatting sees further than a child on top of a tree” and (see http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/g/gambia _proverb/176466.htm. Accessed October, 2013) another used in Krio Sierra Leone, “An okra tree does not grow taller than its master” (see http://afriprov.org/index.php/ african-proverb-of-the-month/27-2001proverbs/164-mar2001.html. Accesed October, 2013) explain the above Eʋe proverb. They also teach the virtue of humility and can be used in similar situations to show that respect must be given to the person to whom it is due and that authority should not be usurped by those whose it is not. 68 Chapter 2 than the parents or more experienced elders of the community. It can be used to teach a child or less-experienced person to be humble and not to underestimate the experience of the more mature. The proverb can also be used to instruct people of any age who presume to teach or lead when they ought to be learning or following. These sayings can be explained by the English saying, “More haste, less speed.” Proverb 3 speaks about the son of a chief or a prince who must not be anxious to walk like the chief. This proverb alludes to the anxiety of children to perform adult roles which cause them to overstep their boundaries and to take on new roles prematurely. The proverb can, therefore, be used for anyone who lacks expertise but wants to force themselves to perform specialist duties. Young women or men, who are rushing to become parents, can be taught by this proverb that they will definitely become parents some day and should not force it before the appropriate time comes. The proverb can also be used to remind people who think they have expertise in certain areas of life not to try to use the expertise before the appropriate time. When young people growing up begin to exhibit the positive traits seen in their parents, this proverb can be used to praise them. The sons or daughters of farmers, masons, carpenters, engineers, mathematicians, chemists, linguists, judges or business people who follow in the footsteps of their parents can be described by this proverb. In this latter instance the proverb would be a positive compliment for the humility with which the children appropriately emulate their parents. The proverb teaches people to be humble and act only when the situation is appropriate. 2.6.b Young Animals Apart from the use of human children to illustrate the virtue of humility in Eʋe proverbs, young animals are also sometimes personified and used as the subjects in proverbs to promote the virtue of humility. As has been shown in the case of Diligence, images of animals are not uncommon in folk proverbs including Eʋe sayings. Yet the use of animal imagery in these proverbs does not mean that they are concerned with zoological observations. They describe rhetorically stereotypical behavior in animals in order to figuratively or metaphorically offer lessons applicable to human life and morality. Unlike the proverbs in the group ‘Children: Awareness of Abilities/Capabilities’ which teach the immature to be humble and not to be act prematurely as they will mature in the near future, the group of proverbs which follows dissuades young and other animals (and by implication human beings) from performing daring tasks which are reserved for those who are mature and capable of performing them. Some of the proverbs implicitly have a negative side to them. For example, if young people fail to be humble or to behave themselves to give The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 69 respect where it is due the result can be disastrous. The following are some typical examples of baby animal proverbs used for teaching humility in human beings. Proverb 1: Dadivi afivi wòléna. (Dzobo, # 9). Translation 1: A kitten catches baby mice. Proverb 2: Agbo matsimatsi meɖoa kɔmedza o. (Dzobo # 113). Translation 2: A lamb [an immature ram] does not grow a mane. Proverb 3: Xe matsimatsi mexlɔ̃ na le zã me o. (Dzobo # 112). Translation 3: A baby bird does not chirp in the night. Proverb 4: Koklovi mekua atɔ o. (Dzobo # 114). Translation 4: A chick does not crow. Proverb 5: Kpɔ̃vi meyɔna na azɔlĩ o. (Dzobo # 110). Translation 5: The cub [of a leopard] should not be anxious to walk majestically.65 Proverb 1 refers to a kitten and what it can do: it can be applied to teach young people that the ability to perform a simple task does not guarantee the ability to perform more difficult or more challenging tasks. It also dissuades people from being arrogant and cautions them not to claim more power for themselves than they actually have by teaching people of any age to be humble. The primary caution in the proverb is against over-ambition, but it also teaches people to assess themselves, what they are capable of doing and what they are not capable of as a lack of humility combined with over-ambition can have detrimental effects. The other proverbs in this category (Proverbs 2–5), which speak about a lamb [that is, an immature ram] not growing a mane, a baby bird not chirping at night, a chick not crowing and the cub of a leopard not being anxious to walk majestically, all deal with situations that warn the immature not to force themselves to do things which are done by those who are mature. 65 The Egyptian proverb, “The cub is from that lion” (see http://www.special-dictionary .com/proverbs/source/e/egyptian_proverb/92190.htm Accessed October, 2013) is similar to the above Eʋe proverb and teaches humility but unlike the Eʋe proverb, it can be used to compliment a child who has emulated the good characteristics of his or her parents or for a child who emulates the evil ways of his or her parents. This proverb can, therefore, also teach either diligence or lack of diligence. 70 Chapter 2 Among the Eʋe peoples a fully grown lamb (a ram with a mane, implied by Proverb 2), is used, for example, as a gift on the engagement or marriage of a woman. It is also used to pay fines at the chief’s palace for offences in the community. In events like the peaceful and joyous celebrations (e.g., when a soldier returns home after a war that has taken the lives of many others, or when a person escapes unharmed from or armed robbers, or when a woman gives birth after a difficult pregnancy) rams are slaughtered and cooked for a feast with family and friends in the community. Hence much importance is attached to the mature ram with a mane in contrast to an immature one without a mane which is not valued as much.66 In Eʋe society, therefore, people who are considered less mature or less important are not given much respect and if such people attempt to show off their ignorance or immaturity, this proverb can be used to teach them to be humble. A baby bird which chirps in the night can become prey for another mother bird because mother birds chirp as they go out at night to find food for their young. The chirping of a baby bird at night can be mistaken for an invitation by another mother bird for combat which can result in the death of the baby bird which becomes the victim of another mother bird looking for food to feed its young ones. Figuratively, the proverb admonishes an immature person not to take on the role of an adult. The proverb also teaches people to be humble and not place themselves in harm’s way by posing challenges to others in precarious moments or circumstances. The above three proverbs and Proverbs 4 and 5, which speak about a chick not crowing and the cub of a leopard not being anxious to walk majestically also have the same logic. While all the five proverbs teach the young animals concerned to be humble, the proverbs also metaphorically teach young, less experienced people not to attempt to perform adult roles prematurely or to take on tasks for which they are not trained which can be detrimental to their wellbeing. The proverbs acknowledge that all people, young and old, have abilities but they must be humble enough to do the right things at the right times and not to attempt to do what is beyond their abilities. 2.6.c Other Animals A number of Eʋe folk proverbs also use images of mature animals which are not baby or young animals; they also teach humility by following the same logic as the previous group that speak about the young human and young animal. 66 See Dzobo African Proverbs, 57, 113. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 71 Proverb 1: Avu lénu meléa dzata o. (Dzobo # 4). Translation 1: A dog can catch some animals but [it] cannot catch a lion.67 Proverb 2: Avu ɖu ƒu meɖua ga o. (Dzobo # 5). Translation 2: A dog that breaks bones does not break iron (copper coins/ money). Proverb 3: Xe ƒonu meƒoa tɔmelo o. (Dzobo # 6). Translation 3: A predacious bird does not prey on a crocodile. Proverb 4: Ahlɔ̃ e medoa nyi fɔkpa o. (Dzobo # 60). Translation 4: The antelope does not wear the shoes of the elephant [cow].68 The foregoing proverbs personify animals and also refer to two activities, as with the proverbs in the group ‘Children—Awareness of Abilities/Capabilities’. In these proverbs, as in the earlier ones, one of the activities is easier for the animals to perform than the other more challenging activity. The animals concerned can easily accomplish the first activity but not the second activity which can be fatal. These proverbs can be used in similar contexts like the proverbs about the kitten and baby mice. However, they can also be applied in a number of other social contexts. For example, a person who has been able to trap a wild cat and who boasts about being able to trap a tiger can be likened to any of the animals in these proverbs (a hunting dog that cannot catch a lion, a dog that breaks bones but cannot break copper coins, a predatory bird that cannot prey on a crocodile and an antelope that attempts to wear the shoes of a cow or an elephant). The antelope has very tiny feet and if it attempts to wear the shoes of an elephant its feet will be lost in the shoes making walking or running difficult; this is risky since the antelope can become prey to hunters. The proverbs in this category can be used to teach young people in general to be humble and 67 68 Dzobo’s translation of proverb 2 above is different from the literal meaning of the proverb, which is “A dog that catches things (that is, hunts for game), does not catch (hunt for) a lion.” The Sudanese proverb “A large chair does not make a king,” which was analyzed earlier (see p. 65n62) has a similar meaning as the proverbs in this section. This proverb teaches the virtue of humility. See http://afritorial.com/the-best-72-african-wise-proverbs. Accessed October, 2013. 72 Chapter 2 not impudent. These proverbs can also be used for over-ambitious people to teach them not to claim to have more ability than they actually have and to instruct people to act with moderation. 2.6.d Small Things/Agricultural Imagery In addition to the use of human children and baby animals to teach the virtue of humility, a range of ‘small’ things in nature are also often personified and used as the subjects in some Eʋe folk proverbs. The following proverbs make use of agricultural imagery to teach the virtue of humility. Proverb 1: Ne tekpoɖoe mekpɔ eɖokui ƒe ge me o la meɖoa ŋku o. (Dzobo # 11) Translation 1: A small roundish yam69 always assesses its sprouting ability before it does so. Proverb 2: Wometsɔa deku eve dea alɔgo ɖeka me o. (Dzobo # 10).70 Translation 2: You cannot crack two palm-nuts in the mouth at the same time. Proverb 3: Asi tu nyede metua agɔɖɔ o. (Dzobo # 13). Translation 3: The hand that unties the tender leaves of the oil-palm does not untie the tender leaves of the fan-palm. These three proverbs are unique to Eʋe farming communities. Proverb 1 alludes to how seed-yams from one harvest season are prepared for planting in the next farming season. The saying personifies the roundish yam as assessing its sprouting ability but it is the farmer, who assesses the ability of the roundish yam to sprout before setting it aside as seed yam for replanting. Though Proverb 1 refers to a farming situation, it can be used metaphorically to teach people to be conscious of what they are capable of doing and what they are not capable 69 70 The roundish yam grows out of the twine from which the mature yam has already been harvested. The yam twine/vine is normally left in the yam mound and after a while it produces a little bulblike yam (the size of a large potato or so but is roundish and not oblong-ish) to be used as seed-yam for the next planting season. A Nandi proverb, “Even if the elephant (rich man) is big, it does not bear two cubs,” teaches that there is a limit to everybody’s generosity. See Golka, The Leopard’s Spot, p. 58. This proverb can be used in similar situations as the Eʋe proverb above to teach humility. The rich man or anyone may have it together in one way or another but may not have everything together always. The proverb also teaches people not to be greedy. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 73 of doing. The proverb teaches people to be humble and not to “bite more [of a matter] than they can chew.” This proverb can also be used for people who want to get married or take on some business but do not make adequate preparations. The proverb thus teaches people that in order to succeed they must be humble enough to acquire the necessary expertise for any endeavor they intend to undertake before they embark on the task. The reference to cracking “two palm-nuts” in the mouth at the same time is ridiculous (Proverb 2). The palm-nut kernel is small and has a very thick outer shell that cannot be easily cracked in the mouth. It also usually has a little blackish sharp pointed stalk protruding from one part of the nut which can pierce or cut the inside of the mouth. Hence, to speak of cracking two of these nuts in the mouth at the same time is a sign of pride and an attempt to do the impossible which is an act lacking in humility. While this proverb can be applied to teach people to be humble, it also warns them against greed. In a typical situation children or adults who are not humble enough to appreciate what they have but crave things beyond their abilities to attain, can be advised by this proverb to acknowledge and be content with what they have. People who brag about their abilities to perform two or more challenging tasks which they are not capable of performing, can also be advised by this proverb to prevent them from being too greedy or ambitious but to focus on individual tasks to maximize their performance. A precocious student, who claims to be able to study different subjects like engineering, philosophy, or medicine at the same time can be taught to be humble and not over-estimate his or her ability. Similarly young people who want to have children, while at the same time pursuing their education, can be advised by this proverb to be humble and to avoid trying to balance two very challenging tasks as they may not be able to handle both tasks at the same time. The leaves of the oil palm (Proverb 3) are more or less single soft, tender stalks that are very easy to disentangle from each other but the leaves of the fan palm are rough and tightly knit together in the shape of a fan. Thus even a child can easily disentangle the leaves of the oil palm, but even the most experienced farmer or adult cannot easily disentangle the tender leaves of the fan palm due to its coarseness. Proverb 3 can, therefore, be used to warn people against attempting to perform impossible tasks. The proverb can also be used for someone who has completed a challenging task and brags about being able to perform a more challenging yet impossible task when the prevailing conditions are similar. This proverb teaches such a person to be humble and to acknowledge that the ability to perform the easier task does not guarantee the performance of the more challenging task even if the circumstances are the same but in a different context. A similar proverb in Eʋe can be “Ze wu ze tɔ 74 Chapter 2 ŋgɔ wokpɔnɛ lena.” This means, “It is at the riverside that the pot of pots [that is, the pot that is larger than an ordinary pot] is seen.” This proverb refers to the various sizes of pots that industrious women use for fetching water at community hydrants. Some of these pots can be extraordinarily large and people who carry them often find it difficult to find people who are willing to help them carry the pot. In this context, the proverb refers metaphorically to extraordinarily challenging tasks which people should not claim with arrogance to be capable of undertaking. The proverb teaches people to be humble to desist from bluffing vainly about what they cannot do as well as to avoid putting themselves in danger. All the proverbs grouped under ‘Children—Awareness of Abilities/ Capabilities’, ‘Young/Other Animals’ and ‘Small Things/Agricultural Imagery’, teach the virtue of humility in one way or another. Although they can be taken literally, they are intended to teach people to be humble and honest by not over-estimating their abilities but by acting within limits.71 2.6.e Community Rules Governing Residents and Strangers Humility shows itself in the norms that govern various actions in certain contexts in the Eʋe community. The proverbs in the following section, which speak of strangers and residents, teach people how to conduct themselves humbly in unfamiliar places and circumstances in which they might find themselves.72 Proverb 1: Du sia du kple eƒe koklokoko. (Dzobo, # 22). Translation 1: Every country/town has its own way of dressing chicken. Proverb 2: Dua ɖe me gbede ʋuyɔvi wòzuna le du bubu me. (Dzobo, # 23). Translation 2: The black[gold]smith in one village/town becomes a black[gold]smith’s apprentice in another. Proverb 3: Amedzro ŋku gã menya xɔdome o. (Dzobo # 24). Translation 3: A stranger with big eyes does not know the by-ways.73 71 72 73 See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 19–22. These proverbs can also be used to teach sociability whereby members of the community collaborate and have common goals in maintaining social norms as will be seen later in Chapter 3. The Swahili proverb, “The country rooster does not crow in the town,” (see: http://www .special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_proverb/81596.htm. Accessed October, 2013) can be used in similar contexts as the above Eʋe proverbs to teach the stranger to be humble and not over assert him or herself in a foreign town or country since he or she might not know the rules that govern the new community or the norms and prohibitions of the new place to avoid getting into trouble. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 75 Proverb 4: Amedzro mekoa du lã o. (Dzobo # 25). Translation 4: A stranger does not skin the sheep [ram] that is paid as a fine at the chief’s court. Proverb 5: [Amedzro]Dzrovi metsɔa ame kuku ƒe tagbɔ o. (Dzobo # 26). Translation 5: A stranger does not hold [carry] the head of a coffin [corpse]. Whereas Proverbs 1 and 2 speak about the different ways of dressing chicken in different towns and the different ways in which each town rates its black[gold]smith or apprentice, Proverbs 3–5 explicitly function as reprimands to people who are strangers to a community. Proverbs 1 and 2 by implication teach that what pertains in one community may not be the same in another community. Proverb 1, for instance, can be used for people, who think they know everything, and who try to teach or show other people to do things their way. Parents who insist that all children should behave like their children may be addressed by this proverb. The proverb can also be applied to teach wealthy people who think everybody’s lifestyle must be like theirs. A teacher who moves to a different community and tries to use the techniques that worked in the former community can be advised by this proverb to be humble to know that the techniques that work in one school may not work in every community. These two proverbs teach people to be humble and to be aware that each person and community is unique and that things are not done in the same way by people everywhere. This proverb can be explained by the English expression, “When you go to Rome, you do as the Romans do.” Proverb 2 teaches that what may be acceptable or considered very important among one group of people may not have equal value for another group; the humble person must acknowledge this. Proverb 2 can be used to advise people like traders, market women, or professionals in other fields (not just the black[gold]smith of whom the proverb speaks), who are highly respected in one community, to be humble because they may not gain the same respect in a community other than their own. In other words, the skills and status of people are relative to individuals and localities and people must learn to assess themselves accordingly, by taking time to learn the ways of behavior of other people and adjusting to them accordingly.74 Furthermore, since people in different countries or communities do things differently, when people go to a new country/community, they must not take their knowledge and status for granted but “must be prepared to re-evaluate them and let the estimation of 74 Dzobo’s point here underscores my own view. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 25. 76 Chapter 2 their new status guide their conduct.”75 Both Proverbs 1 and 2 can be used to teach people to be humble by learning to understand how communities function and the differences in status to live amicably with the people of other communities, whose world views are different from their own. In Proverb 3, the stranger has “big eyes” but “does not know the by-ways.” This is a metaphor for having “a great deal of knowledge” or some expertise about things that go on in a community. However, in spite of the pretention to understand the community, the person who is a stranger to the community cannot possess the subtle knowledge (that is, the “by-ways”), which are only accessible to members of that community. In other words, the stranger can only know the “broad-ways.”76 This proverb implies that certain sacred aspects of the culture and patterns of behavior in every community are not accessible to everyone, especially outsiders. As such, these sacred aspects may be actively concealed from people who are strangers to the community. No matter how much the outsider might learn or know about a community, he or she remains in the dark about certain aspects. A novice to some activity (be it a game, a trade, a subject being taught in school, parenting, or some other activity), must be humble in acknowledging that they do not know the rules and be willing to learn new things. The proverb teaches humility to novices in an area of knowledge or place where they must acknowledge their shortcomings to learn from those who know the rules. Proverbs 4 and 5 speak of a stranger who does not skin the ram paid as a fine in the chief’s palace and of a stranger who does not carry the head part of a corpse. These proverbs also relate to the knowledge of community rules that are unknown to strangers. In Proverb 4, when a member of the community commits some crime or serious offence that person is fined by the traditional council and normally pays a ram (a mature one with a mane). This ram is slaughtered at the chief’s palace and the meat is apportioned to the members of the council in the palace and in the community according to their status. Thus if a stranger skins the ram, he might not know who receives which part of the meat and this can, ironically, earn the stranger a further fine or some punishment. Proverb 4 can also be used for a person who is totally ignorant about the intricacies of the arbitration of community cases and yet tries to arbitrate such cases. The proverb teaches this person to be humble and be willing to learn what pertains in the community or to leave the arbitration of cases to the more knowledgeable to handle. 75 76 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 25–27. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 26. The second part of this proverb, which is given by Dzobo as the stranger “knows only the broadways” is implied in the proverb but not explicit. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 77 Proverb 5 prohibits the stranger from carrying the head part of a corpse because corpses are buried with their head in a certain direction depending on the cause of death, either naturally, by suicide, accident, or murder, etc. The stranger will not know which direction corresponds with which cause of death in the community and will likely not know in which direction to turn the head of the corpse. Proverb 5, like Proverb 3, is used to teach people in general to conduct themselves humbly in unfamiliar territory. The proverbs can also be used for people, who come or return to town from another country or town and attempt to do certain things without consulting the elders for their guidance or direction regarding how to do those things. When they fail due to their ignorance, lack of humility and lack of knowledge of the norms of the community, these proverbs are used to advise them to be humble and give respect to those who know what they do not know. The purpose of these proverbs is, therefore, to teach people to be humble and also to warn people to avoid getting into trouble due to their refusal to learn and become knowledgeable of the rules and guiding principles of the new environment in which they find themselves.77 2.6.f Parts of the Human Body78 In different cultures, parts of the human body are often personified and made the subjects of folk proverbs that teach important lessons and moral virtues.79 This is true in the Eʋe cultural context as well, where proverbs use images which personify body parts to teach the virtue of humility. This use of personification for body parts teaches human beings to be humble and not selfish in thinking that they know everything. These proverbs also encourage people to show virtues of “unity” and “cooperation.”80 In general, the body is a whole and none of its individual parts can presume to do much on its own; each part of the body must be humble enough to accept its role and perform it without complaint, as Paul suggests in his use of the body metaphor in the New Testament.81 77 78 79 80 81 All the proverbs in this section about community rules and strangers can also be illustrated by a Swahili proverb, which says, “The country rooster does not crow in the town” (analyzed earlier). Since the rules of the country are different from those in the town, the country rooster may get into trouble when it crows in the town. See http://www.special-dictionary .com/proverbs/source/a/african_swahili_proverb/81596.htm. Accessed October, 2013. Proverbs 2 and 3, which speak about the virtue of humility in this section also speak about the virtue of sociability but they are explained differently in both sections. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, proverbs, 135 about the foot (p. 63–64), 13, about the hand (p. 22), the head, Proverbs 76 and 81 (pp. 45 and 46), the eye (#134, p. 63) to mention a few. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 45, 78. 1 Corinthians 12: 12–26. 78 Chapter 2 Proverb 1: Ge metua xo na aɖaba o. (Dzobo # 61). Translation 1: The beard does not tell the eye-brow about ancient happenings.82 Proverb 2: Ta ɖeka medea aɖaŋu o. (Dzobo # 76). Translation 2: One head does not go into consultation.83 Proverb 3: Abɔ ɖeka meléa to dzo o. (Dzobo # 178). Translation 3: One hand cannot hold [catch] a bull’s horns. Proverb 4: Wometsɔa ŋku eve kpɔa atukpa me o. (Dzobo, 41). Translation 4: You do not look into a bottle with both eyes. In Proverb 1, the beard can be likened to people or novices in an undertaking who think they know better than those who are more experienced in a trade or profession. The eyebrow can be likened to adults or those who are more knowledgeable about a trade or profession than the more inexperienced. The proverb is used to teach the virtue of humility, so that younger people and the immature, can respect those who are older because the young owe respect to older people. It can also be used to teach people not to usurp the authority of others but to acknowledge with humility and accept their own limitations. This proverb (1) can be used for new parents who think they know more about children than their parents or other parents who have had children and brought them up. It can also be used for a student or apprentice in any trade who thinks and acts as though he or she knows better than their teachers. The student and apprentice can be likened to the “beard” while the teachers and masters can be likened to the “eyebrow.” In this arrangement, the former are taught to be humble since they cannot claim seniority over the latter, which was there before the former came into being. 82 83 Implied in this proverb is the idea that the eye-lashes are older than the beard since people are born with eye-lashes but grow beards later in their lives. The foregoing three proverbs are similar to three other African proverbs: a Nigerian, Yoruba proverb, which says, “The strength of one person only does not go far,” (see http:// afritorial.com/the best-72-african-wise-proverbs. Acessed October, 2013) a Gikuyu proverb, “One finger does not kill a louse” (see: http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/ source/k/kenyan_proverb/87577. Accessed October, 2013) and a Bondei proverb, “Sticks in a bundle are unbreakable.” See http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/b/ bondei_proverb/163588.htm. Accessed October, 2013. All these proverbs teach both humility and sociability in that people should not see themselves as indispensable and they should not be selfish. These proverbs, which can be used to explain the above Eʋe proverbs, can also be used in similar situations. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 79 Proverbs 2 and 3 speak about one head that does not go into consultation and one hand that does not catch the bull by the horn. These two proverbs also teach the same moral lesson about humility as Proverb 1 does. Together these three proverbs teach people not to exalt themselves above others, to believe they are indispensable, or to feel that no one else has anything to offer apart from what they themselves can give or do. This proverb can also be used to advice people who rely too much on their own strength that they must learn to co-operate with others in undertaking difficult tasks or solving problems.84 People, who are always boasting about their personal greatness and prowess, for example, a team leader in athletics or anyone who feels and says they are better than everybody else in a group can be taught by Proverbs 2 and 3 to be humble. When a large task is accomplished with the input of many people, these proverbs can be used positively: the proverb can be used on the successful outcome of this large task to praise the processes that led to its accomplishment, by saying, “Truly, one head does not go into consultation” or “One hand does not catch a bull by the horn” or “One tree does not build a house.” It follows, therefore, that Proverbs 2 and 3 above teach the virtue of humility through the personification of the beard and eyebrow, the head, the hand (and the tree). Unlike Proverbs 1–3, however, Proverb 4, which speaks about not looking into a bottle with both eyes, teaches people to exhibit humility by not attempting to do impossible things. Metaphorically, this proverb speaks about people who attempt to perform impossible tasks due to their pride. These proverbs can be used to describe people who try to “bite off more than they can chew,” as the English expression puts it. In the Eʋe cultural context, such people are described as looking into one bottle with two eyes. The proverb teaches that one person must not attempt to do everything at once since any attempt to do the impossible out of greed cannot succeed. According to Dzobo, “If you try it [i.e., to look into a bottle with both eyes], it is only your nose that looks into it (the bottle).”85 Proverb 4 can be used for a person, who is never satisfied or content with anything. The proverb teaches such people to be humble in accepting what they have and to be content rather than arrogantly down-playing what they have at the expense of other people’s things. The proverb can be used subtly for people who are greedy and crave the things intended for other people. People who are greedy and attempt to take on tasks that are more than they can do can be told this proverb. A person who has a demanding occupation and attempts to take on the responsibility for another demanding job to make 84 85 See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 45, 78. This proverb can also be used to teach sociability. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 33, 114. 80 Chapter 2 money or a name can be told this proverb to teach him/her to humbly focus on one task since he or she cannot do both jobs well. As Dzobo rightly puts it, the moral lesson of this proverb is that “You invariably get nothing from being greedy” as such people must learn to be content with the little that they have.86 The proverb teaches people to be humble and learn to appreciate and be content with what they have. 2.6.g Natural Phenomena/Things Although most Eʋe folk proverbs employ human beings, animals and other creatures as their subjects, they also use natural phenomena and objects to illustrate the virtues that are desirable for human beings to practice. These proverbs also describe activities that are prohibited or frowned upon. Though these proverbs refer to the actions of natural phenomena they are used to draw the same logical conclusions as can be drawn from proverbs which speak about human beings. The following are some examples of proverbs that teach the virtue of humility using natural phenomena. Proverb 1: Ati ɖeka metua xɔ o. (Dzobo # 179).87 Translation 1: One pole cannot build a house. (Note this proverb and the three proverbs discussed above also teach the value of sociability). Proverb 2: Kpe megblɔna na anyigba be ne wòate ɖa yeanɔ anyi o. (Dzobo # 63). Translation 2: The stone does not tell the ground to push [move] away so that it will sit down. Proverb 3: Dze mekafua eɖokui o. (Dzobo # 65). Translation 3: Salt [or the flute] does not praise itself. Proverb 4: Ne agble medidi o la wometsɔa tsigo gã denɛ o. (Dzobo # 103). Translation 4: You do not take a big gourd to a farm that is close by. 86 87 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 33. According to Dzobo trying to look into a bottle with both eyes will mean looking into it with the nose and as result you cannot look into it at all. See a discussion of this proverb above. This proverb (with the three earlier proverbs) is also used to teach the virtue of sociability. However, this proverb is used differently to teach sociability later. A variation of this proverb, which can be applied to similar situations, says, “Rain does not fall on one roof alone” and is found among the peoples of the Cameroon. See www.specialdictionary.com/ proverbs/source/a/african_cameroon_proverbs/188818.htm. Accessed October, 2013. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 81 Proverb 5: Ðe wònye tɔsisi kpɔ avuléla la, ne meɖo aga o. (Dzobo # 39). Translation 5: If a river had had somebody to help it (i.e., to obstruct/stop it), it would not have plunged downhill.88 Proverb 1 speaks about one pole that does not build a house. The proverb mirrors how certain houses in the community are built completely with several poles or planks (sawn from trees) for the rafters, doors and windows frames, etc. This phenomenon of building is translated into a lesson of humility. Metaphorically, in the Eʋe community, the people or families, who think and act as though they were better than every other person or family in the community, are usually addressed by this proverb to teach them the need for being humble to know that they are not indispensable. Similarly, some students, business/ trades people or parents, who think more highly of their education, businesses/ trades or children than other people’s and consider themselves as having everything together can be addressed by this proverb. The proverb teaches them that no single person is self-sufficient or can do everything and they should be humble enough to know that everybody needs somebody else and of course, other people, for survival. The proverb can also be used for those, who are arrogant and selfish, and would not contribute to the success of any task that is on hand. The proverb admonishes them to be humble and to contribute their part to the success of the undertaking since those who are contributing toward the success of the task cannot do it all by themselves. This proverb can, therefore, be used for members of a household, a team of athletes, a community or township, etc., to teach them the need for humility and the need to contribute their quota to the wellbeing of the household, team, community/township, etc., which should be a communal responsibility. This proverb also teaches the virtue of sociability. Proverb 2 speaks of the stone that cannot tell the earth to move for it to sit down. The earth is larger than the stone and the earth can never move away for the stone to sit down. Furthermore, the relationship between the earth and the stone is so close that one cannot do without the other. As such, for one to ask the other to move so it can sit down, is an impudent request. This proverb can also be used to teach the virtue of sociability whereby people learn that they are dependent on each other and that no one can completely shun the company of other people. In addition to the foregoing uses of the proverb, a child or subordinate, who tries to deflect an adult or leader out of disrespect and 88 This proverb can be explained by the Gambia proverb, “A fly that has no one to advice it, follows the corpse to the grave,” (see http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/ g/gambia_proverb/176467.htm. Accessed October, 2013) which can be used similarly. 82 Chapter 2 take over that person’s responsibilities, can be the subject of this proverb. It teaches the child or subordinate to be humble and accept the authority of the adult or leader. An arrogant child who displays an attitude that his or her parents and siblings are not worthy of respect and says that he or she has nothing to do with them can be admonished by this proverb to be humble since no one can completely shun his or her family. Proverb 3 referring to salt not praising itself is used to teach people to be humble and not boast about their achievements. Salt does not have a mouth to praise itself but this proverb assumes a quality of salt, namely it does not praise itself for preserving food or making food taste good. Similarly, the flute plays good music but it does not praise itself. This proverb is used to teach people, like linguists, students, farmers, or others, who have achieved greatness in life and who tell others how good they are that they should avoid praising themselves and exhibit humility. Such people are advised to rather allow those who observe their greatness to comment because the person’s greatness is evident to observers who do not need to be told about it. In other words, people who boast about their abilities can be told Proverb 3 to teach them to be humble for others to praise their abilities or talents. Conversely, the proverb can be used to refer to an achiever who does not boast about the achievement. In this latter instance, the proverb acts as a compliment and teaches others to emulate the “quiet” achiever’s good deeds. Proverbs 4 and 5 speak about not taking a big gourd of water to a nearby farm and the river that would not have gone into a ditch if it had had someone to help it, respectively. Though these proverbs are used here to teach humility, they can also be used to teach sociability. They take the form of conditional “if” sayings or proverbs. As such, one action either leads to the other or the occurrence of one action is dependent on the occurrence of the other. Proverb 4 speaks about a common practice in traditional farming communities, where due to the heat of the day, people normally carry water containers, made from gourds, to the farm to quench their thirst. If the farm is far from home, the farmer carries a big gourd of water but if the farm is close by only a small water gourd is needed. Proverb 4 can be used in a number of situations to teach the virtue of humility. A young man or woman, who experiences challenges in life (e.g., puberty, marriage, young adulthood, career, or other) and does not seek help from immediate relatives or those close by but goes to seek outside help can be told this proverb to teach him or her to be humble enough to seek help from family and people who have experienced what they are experiencing rather than going further to seek help. Similarly, the proverb can teach a student who does not research good schools close by or who thinks the nearby schools are not good enough and goes far away to look for schools when there The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 83 are good schools close by. Such a student can be taught to be humble by choosing nearby schools. Proverb 5 comes from observing rivers, creeks and other natural sources of water, especially falls that run from mountains or hilltops and descend into valleys; there is nothing to obstruct these waterfalls, so they descend rapidly into the valleys. Proverb 5 observes that if the river had been given some direction, it would not have gone into a ditch. It teaches people who are arrogant and refuse to take counsel (e.g., in commerce, education, marriage, profession) to be humble. The proverb can also be used for adults who have succeeded in a family but who do not provide the means for younger members of their families to succeed. When the younger generation fails, this proverb can be used to teach the adults that if they had humbly done their duties, the young members would have succeeded too. In other words, the proverb teaches the adults that they should have been more humble in taking responsibility of their young. The lack of success of the young or other family members can, therefore, be described as their having no one to guide them hence their descent into ditch (i.e., failure). The proverb serves as a lament over family members or the trade venture that fails as a result of lack of humility, which is likened to the counsel of those who know better. All the five proverbs above, therefore, in one way or another, teach people to be humble either by giving or taking counsel to encourage success in life. 2.6.h Discipline Self-discipline is also considered as a major characteristic of humility and the Eʋe peoples use several proverbs to teach humility through self-discipline. The following proverbs use images from plant and animal life to teach human beings to be humble and self-disciplined. For example, people who forget their humble beginnings and refuse to learn anything from people who are not as fortunate as they are can be told these proverbs. Proverb 1: Nunya adidoe asi metunɛ o. (Dzobo # 75). Translation 1: Knowledge is like a baobab (monkey bread) tree and no one person can embrace it all alone with both hands.89 Proverb 2: Ati gɔglɔ̃ dzi wònɔna tsoa dzɔdzɔe. (Dzobo, # 66). Translation 2: You stand on a crooked branch to cut a straight one. 89 A similar proverb to this is a Somali proverb, which says, “Wisdom does not come overnight.” This means, wisdom comes in bits and pieces and not all at once. See http:// afritorial.com/the-best-72-african-wise-proverbs. Accessed October, 2013. 84 Chapter 2 Proverb 3: Fetri kɔ wu agbletɔ hã ebinɛ ɖena. (Dzobo, # 68). Translation 3: Even if the okro plant is taller than the farmer s/he bends it to pick its fruits.90 Proverb 4: Ne taɖa nyo ʋuu hã kukue nɔa edzi. (Dzobo, # 69). Translation 4: However good the hair may be a hat is worn [sits] on it. Proverbs 5: Ame nɔŋu menya nyɔna o. (Dzobo # 89). Translation 5: It is difficult to wake up a person who is not sleeping. Proverb 6: Womedoa dzo yeye tsɔa abɔbɔ dea eme o. (Dzobo # 150). Translation 6: You do not put a snail into a new fire. Proverb 1 speaks of the nature of knowledge. No one person can lay complete claim to it. This proverb is a simple metaphor comparing knowledge to the baobab (monkey bread) tree, which has a very large trunk and produces fruits so high up in its branches that no one can either embrace its trunk or handpluck its fruits.91 People, who claim that they alone have the ability to do the greatest things, can be told Proverb 1 to teach them that whatever talent they have does not cover the whole group, community or entire world because other people also have important talents to offer. Trail-blazers in some field of learning or occupation like engineering, medicine, farming, or carpentry who assume that no one else’s talent is as good as theirs, can be told this proverb to teach them to be humble and know that other people also have equally good talents.92 Another Eʋe folk proverb, that can be used to express the same idea as that in Proverb 1, but in a different way, is from military life and says, “Aʋaŋgɔgbea mesea aʋamegbea zuna o.”93 This proverb means, “The frontline soldier easily becomes the rear guard.” This “military” proverb literally, gives the scenario of soldiers in a battle whose position on the battle field depends on the direction from which the enemy is coming or launching its offensive. If the enemy suddenly appears from behind, rear-guards turn into frontline soldiers and vice versa. The proverb can be used to advise people to be 90 91 92 93 See the Krio (Kru) Sierra Leone proverb, “An okra tree does not grow taller than its master” (see http://afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/27-2001proverbs/164 -mar2001.html. Accessed October, 2013) explained above. See the description of the baobab tree by John Kirszenberg’s in Chapter 1. This proverb also applies to the virtue of “sociability” in which corporative work is encouraged in community. Dzobo, African Proverbs, #87, p. 49. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 85 prepared for eventualities in life since what is good today may not be good tomorrow. Wealthy people, leaders, people in authority, businessmen or women can be taught by these proverbs to be humble in their dealings, in their estimations of themselves by being aware that sudden changes in their circumstances can happen. In the Eʋe community people use straight planks for the beams, door and window frames of their houses. People have to stand on planks which are closer to the ground and which are often crooked (Proverb 2), before they can cut the straight planks which are higher up. Metaphorically, a child, who condemns the school in his or her village as rural with no modern facilities and is ambitious to go to a school (which in their own mind) has better facilities can be told Proverb 2 to teach the need to start from a humble beginning and rise up further. A person who wants to get rich overnight and yearns for a large business without working for it can also be told this proverb to teach the need to start on a small scale. Furthermore, the proverb can be used for a medical doctor who does not want to practice in a poor community but to start his or her career in a very big and lucrative city. The proverb teaches the doctor selfdiscipline and humility to work at a lower level before the getting to the more lucrative one. Similarly, a new worker who wants to be the manager at the start can also be told this proverb to teach him or her humility to start lower before rising up to become a manager or boss. Proverb 3 employs agricultural imagery from farming communities, where the okra plant grows even taller than the farmer but the farmer bends the plant and harvests the okra. This proverb can be used metaphorically to teach children that no matter how big or tall they might look or how much more educated or more financially capable they are than their parents, they must submit to the authority of their parents by giving them due respect. A supervisee who thinks he or she is better than the supervisor, a student who thinks he or she is better than the teacher, and is disrespectful can also be taught by this proverb to be humble and self-disciplined because the supervisor or teacher are more experienced and deserve respect. Proverb 4 suggests that in spite of how good the hair is, a hat sits (is worn) on it. This proverb is similar to Proverb 3 about the okra plant and the farmer. Proverb 4 does not use agricultural imagery but it also is applicable to similar situations of discipline. Whereas in Proverb 3 the parent is the farmer, and the child is the okra plant, in Proverb 4 the parent is the hat and the child is the hair. In both proverbs no matter the physical size or social status of children or subordinates, parents or leaders have the right to discipline them as needed. Furthermore, a servant, who tries to ride over his or her master or mistress, or a person, who flaunts the authority of the elders who oversee the rules and 86 Chapter 2 regulations of the community can also be taught by this proverb to be humble and self-disciplined by not trying to usurp the authority of the master or elders since this can have serious repercussions. According to Proverb 5, it is impossible to wake up a person who is wideawake. Metaphorically, a person who is stubborn in the Eʋe community and who deliberately performs acts that are frowned upon by society with impunity and deems those actions appropriate in spite of numerous warnings to amend his or her ways can be admonished by this proverb to succumb to the counsel and correction of others or those in authority. Proverb 5 can, therefore, be used, for example, for a thief, who knows that it is wrong to steal but continues to do so in spite of numerous warnings. Such a thief can be considered as a person, who is wide awake but refuses to be awakened (i.e., to take counsel to stop stealing). Apart from the thief, the person who always gets intoxicated and insults other people deliberately can be described by this proverb since both of them are aware that stealing and insulting other people are unacceptable acts. These evil doers may use poverty or drunkenness as a foil for their evil actions. The proverbs, therefore, can refer to people, who are knowledgeable about their evil deeds but who refuse to be convinced to change their ways. In the Eʋe community, any attempt to wake up such people can be referred to as “Tsi kuku kɔ ɖe kpe ŋuti.” This means, “Pouring water on a rock.” The water will only run down the surface of the rock but will never penetrate into the rock since the person is so impervious to understanding that no warning or advice can change the person’s mindset regarding the evil deed. Even though Proverb 5 and these other proverbs teach people in general to be humble and disciplined, to heed advice and desist from doing evil, they also warn other people to avoid emulating the evil ways of stubborn people, who do not heed counsel, for their own good and that of the community. By contrast to the “wide-awake” people who cannot be “awakened,” those who humble themselves by disciplining themselves, letting go of their arrogance and reforming their evil ways, can be likened to people who have allowed themselves to be awakened from sleep. Another proverb in this category is “Ẽ kple ame yezɔna lẽ vuvu dzi.” This proverb means, “Yes. It is by obedience to instruction that a person can walk on a broken bridge.”94 This proverb refers to the delicate bridges, which are built over creeks or rivers that people have to cross sometimes when traveling or going to their farms. For the fear that people might fall into the creeks or rivers 94 The above translation differs slightly from Dzobo’s. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, # 97, p. 52. The Eʋe-speaking Peoples 87 while walking over the bridge, a guide is often stationed at the bridge to give instructions to people about the best way to safely cross over the bridge. Anyone who fails to obey the instructions of the guide due to arrogance or a lack of humility can fall into the river below and drown. Metaphorically, this delicate bridge can be likened to life and because life is very delicate, only those who follow proper instructions can safely cross over or make it safely through life.95 This proverb, therefore, teaches people to humbly and meticulously follow instructions in challenging situations for their own good. The proverb can be used for anyone who is at a crossroad in life and is about to make an important decision regarding marriage or career or in a life and death situation. In this instance the proverb teaches them to be humble enough to take advice from those who know the way or who have ‘gone before’ and can instruct others about the paths they have already trodden. A child who thinks parents are worthless and would not take their advice, a student who despises teachers or seniors, an apprentice, who looks down on his old-time master as archaic, can be advised to be humble and obey the counsel of their forebears and superiors. Proverb 6 refers to the practice of roasting snails in open hearth firewood fires or over coal pots (a kind of cooking stove). When people put a snail into a new fire, the slime from the snail, which is very thick, normally puts out the fire. Thus, metaphorically, anything that people do to undermine their initial efforts, which can either produce success or failure, is likened to the slime from the snail that quenches a new fire. The proverb teaches people to be humble and self-disciplined so as not to allow anything to weaken their beginning efforts.96 The proverb can be used to teach humility that comes through patience and self-discipline. The proverb can also be used for very arrogant people, who can easily dampen the spirits of other people or destroy relationships even before the relationships have started. The proverb, therefore, teaches such people and others not to be like the slime from the snail, which quenches a newly set fire. An arrogant and disrespectful young man or woman, who wants to start dating and to get married, can be told this proverb to teach him or her to be humble so as to have a successful relationship. Parents, who are so strict that they chase away their children’s friends from them, can be told this to teach them to exercise restraint and be humble by accepting their children’s “new” friends or prospective daters, who could become their in-laws in the near future. 95 96 See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 52. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 69. 88 2.7 Chapter 2 Conclusions The Eʋe folk proverbs, which have been analyzed above, focused on activities and images that promote “Diligence” and “Humility.” While these proverbs warn against acts that do not work in the interest of industry, perseverance, proper work ethic and the good life, they are also used to teach the virtue of diligence whereby people consciously and conscientiously apply themselves to important tasks so as to succeed and have a good life. Whilst the proverbs that promote “humility” also condemn acts of pride and lack of humility, they at the same time, teach people to be self-disciplined, humble, and not to assign to themselves, more ability than they have. Furthermore, though most of the proverbs use images of children, animals and natural phenomena, they all highlight virtues that affect human beings by teaching people to take a cue from the animal subjects of the proverbs, to avoid their negative characteristics but to learn and use the positive ones for success and a good life. As seen from the foregoing, some of the proverbs in these categories teach virtues that overlap with other virtues. Thus some proverbs, which teach diligence, can be used to teach humility and vice versa. While some of the proverbs that teach either diligence or humility can be used to teach prudence and/ or sociability, some of those that teach prudence and sociability, as will be analyzed in Chapter 3, can also teach diligence and/or humility. In spite of this overlap in the virtues, which are taught and learned in the proverbs, it is the contexts in which the Eʋe peoples apply the proverbs that determine the meanings of the proverbs and show how ready these folk proverbs are, as recipient Eʋe plants (trees of life) on to which the ‘shoots’ of the biblical proverbial tree of life can be ‘grafted’. As will be shown later in Chapter 4, the proverbs that promote “diligence” and “humility” analyzed above (Chapter 2), and the proverbs that promote “prudence” and “sociability” (analyzed later in Chapter 3) are considered as parts of the existing African tree of life on to which biblical proverbs ‘shoots’ can conveniently be ‘grafted’ to promote a better understanding of the biblical message of Proverbs among African peoples in general and Eʋe peoples of Southeastern Ghana, West Africa, in particular. In the next chapter, attention will be given to the virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability,” which are the other two practical virtues that Proverbs and the African Tree of Life: Grafting Biblical Proverbs on to Ghanaian Eʋe Folk Proverbs considers as the full grown African tree of life, which is ready to receive the ‘shoots’ from Proverbs 25–29. Chapter 3 The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” in Eʋe Folk Proverbs 3.1 Introduction to “Prudence” and “Sociability” Chapter 2 presented two of the four major values or virtues, Diligence and Humility, which are highly cherished by the Eʋe peoples and that are given expression in Eʋe folk proverbs. In Chapter 3 we present the other two values or virtues, Prudence and Sociability. These two virtues are also central to Eʋe life and morality and are part of what this book considers as the African tree of life on to which ‘shoots’ from the biblical tree of life, Proverbs can be ‘grafted’ to ensure a better understanding of the book of Proverbs in the African Eʋe cultural context. In order to elucidate the virtue of prudence, we will examine briefly what is meant by ‘prudence’ in some other cultural contexts and how this meaning reflects on its use in the African Ghanaian Eʋe cultural context. In the Greek moral tradition, phronesis, which is regularly rendered in English as ‘prudence’, receives its classical analysis from Aristotle, who regards ‘prudence’ as one of the four cardinal virtues in addition to justice, courage and temperance. Aristotle defines phronesis as “a truth-attaining rational quality, concerned with action in relation to things that are good and bad for human beings.”1 This definition of phronesis—prudence relates it to moral virtues that are either good or bad. In line with Aristotle’s definition, Lawrence C. Becker and Charlotte B. Becker have defined “prudence” as “moral Wisdom resulting in morally correct choices and actions.”2 They regard “prudence,” primarily phronesis, as “practical moral intelligence” “related to other moral values and ingrained dispositions to act rightly” in accordance with “developed practice.”3 1 Aristotle XIX The Nicomachean Ethics: With an English Translation by Harris Rackham (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press and London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1968), 337, 339. This source compares “Prudence” with “Practical Wisdom” and gives the explanation that while we can speak of “excellence in Art,” we cannot speak of “excellence in Prudence” because it is clear that “Prudence is an excellence of virtue and not an Art.” 2 Lawrence C. Becker and Charlotte B. Becker, eds. “Prudence” in Encyclopedia of Ethics vol. 3 P–W Indexes (New York: Routledge, 2001), 1214–1215, 1214. 3 Becker and Becker, eds. “Prudence”, 1214. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004274471_004 90 Chapter 3 Apart from focusing on Aristotle’s idea of prudence, Becker and Becker also highlight Thomas Aquinas’ (1225–1274) definition of “prudence” as the “application of right reason to action” and “wisdom about human affairs.”4 In this latter sense, “prudence” becomes central to the activity of the four cardinal virtues5 and is considered as their “measure,” “prototype,” “prerequisite” and “foundation.” Somewhat related to the foregoing, Becker and Becker further refer to “prudence” or phronesis, as a kind of practical worldly wisdom, that offers “fiscal responsibility” and “self-interested carefulness.”6 This latter definition of prudence falls in line with what Eʋe folk proverbs project as the practical virtue of prudence. Thus, as a practical virtue, prudence involves being considerate, judicious and cautious, as well as acting deliberately with one’s own discretion and in one’s best interest. 3.2 The Virtue of “Prudence” In the Eʋe language, “prudence” is represented by the words “aɖaŋudzedze,” “ŋuɖɔɖɔɖo,” “aye,” “nyasa” and “belélé.” The first Eʋe word “aɖaŋudzedze” implies wisdom in the sense of craftsmanship (i.e., being wise or talented in crafts like carpentry, masonry, counseling, etc.) The second word “ŋuɖɔɖɔɖo,” which means “being awake to correction,” suggests being meticulous, extremely careful or treading the thin line in everything one does. The third word “aye” has to do with “trickery,” but not in a negative sense. Rather it involves knowing how to make the right decision and to take the appropriate action in every situation. The fourth Eʋe word for “prudence” has to do with the use of the brain or natural intellectual ability by being knowledgeable or “brainy” in acting 4 See William E. Davie “Being Prudent and Acting Prudently,” in American Philosophical Quarterly 10 (1973), 57–60. See also Daniel M. Nelson, “Prudence” in Ethics John K. Roth, ed. (Pasadena, California: Salem Press, Inc., 1994, 2005), 1397–1401. See also Ralph McInerny, “Prudence and Conscience” in The Thomist 38 (1974), 291–305. See also James F. Keenan, “The Virtue of Prudence IIa IIae, qq. 47–56” in Stephen J. Pope ed., The Ethics of Aquinas (Washington, dc: Georgetown Univ. Press, 2002), 259–271. See also Daniel Westberg, Right Practical Reason: Aristotle, Action, and Prudence in Aquinas (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1994). See Daniel Mark Nelson, The Priority of Prudence: Virtue and Natural Law in Thomas Aquinas and the Implications for Modern Ethics (University Park: Pennsylvania State Univ. Press, 1992). 5 The Four Cardinal Virtues on which all other virtues hang, according to St. Thomas Aquinas, include Prudence, Justice, Fortitude and Temperance. See Scott P. Richert, The Cardinal Virtues: The Four Hinges of the Moral Life (about.com Guide). Accessed October, 2013. 6 Becker and Becker, eds. “Prudence,” 1214. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 91 properly. The final word “beléle” refers to taking extra care with something or some action. The literal meaning of this Eʋe word is, “To hold on to a straw or a blade of hay.” This final word suggests the carefulness with which the delicate straw or blade of hay must be handled to prevent it from breaking easily. These words are not explicitly used in Eʋe folk proverbs to explain the virtue of prudence but their meanings are implied in the application contexts of several Eʋe folk proverbs. Among the Eʋe peoples the idea of ‘prudence’ involves the careful use of the brain or natural intelligence, and physical talents of craftsmanship. It must be noted here that although, some of the proverbs analyzed in this chapter teach prudence as a dominant value or virtue, they can also teach other virtues (e.g., diligence, humility and/or sociability) when performed in other contexts. 3.2.a Better-Than Proverbs Several Eʋe proverbs, have the form of “better than” (nyo wu) sayings, which are analogous to the Hebrew “tōb-mîn” proverbs known from biblical poetry. These proverbs reflect the value that Eʋe peoples place on the practical virtue of prudence. Each of the proverbs compares two situations, a positive and a negative, and declares one situation to be ‘better than’ the other. Proverb 1: Avu gbagbe nyo wu dzata kuku. (Dzobo, # 186). Translation 1: A live dog is better than a dead lion. Proverb 2: Nyi ɖiku nyo wu lãxɔ gbɔlo. (Dzobo, # 190). Translation 2: A lean cow is better than an empty kraal.7 Proverb 3: Vivɔ̃ nyo wu kotsitsi. (Dzobo, # 187). Translation 3: To be the [parent] of a delinquent child is better than being [childless].8 Proverb 4: Avɔ nɔ amesi nyo wu trenɔnɔ. (Dzobo, # 189). Translation 4: To be married to a woman who cannot make a good wife (i.e., a second rate woman) is better than remaining a bachelor. 7 A kraal refers to the pen house or stall, where animals are kept before they are taken to the slaughter house. 8 The Ganda (Uganda) proverb, “An ugly child of your own is more to you than a beautiful one belonging to your neighbor” (see http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/g/ ganda_proverb/178595.htm Accessed October, 2013) is another rendering of the above proverb and can be applied to similar situations.. 92 Chapter 3 While the Eʋe Proverbs 1 and 2 above speak about animals, Proverbs 3 and 4 speak about human beings. Both sets of proverbs, however, teach practical moral lessons that can be applied to human situations. In Proverbs 1 and 2, comparisons are drawn between a live dog and a dead lion, and a lean cow and an empty kraal, respectively. In both proverbs, an existing less desirable condition is considered as more desirable or better than a more desirable but nonexistent condition. The more powerful lion, considered as the king of the animals, is more respected by the Eʋe peoples than a dog. However, if the lion is dead, of what use is it? The more useful animal in this proverb will be the live dog. Proverb 1 can be used for people, who have high qualifications, or wield a lot of power, but lack prudence and are unable to use their authority or power for good and are content with mediocrity by merely filling positions that do not fit their qualifications. The lean cow mentioned in Proverb 2 is not the most desirable since it cannot produce much meat, milk or hide. However, if a person has no cow in the kraal to produce milk, hide, or meat, he is better off having a lean cow. This proverb can be used to teach people, who have a limited amount of, for example, formal education, professional training, degree of knowledge about life but, who are never content with their lot. They are prudent with what they have and make the most of it since they are better placed than those who do not have as much or who have nothing at all. Proverbs 3 and 4 describe a delinquent child as better-than childlessness, and marrying a woman, who cannot make a good wife, as better than having no wife at all. In the Eʋe community delinquent children are seen as social misfits but being childless is even worse since childlessness is considered as blocking the chance of or preventing ancestors from reincarnating. The social classification of the role of the wife makes the woman who cannot make a good wife “bad,” yet the woman can still offer companionship, which is better than remaining single. Proverb 4 is one of the few proverbs in Eʋe, which name a female as its subject. Another proverb with a female subject is “Nyɔnu dzetugbe ɖe mesa gbolo zuna o,”9 which means, “A beautiful woman can easily turn into a prostitute.” These two proverbs paint negative pictures of the women described in them which reflects the patriarchal nature of African Eʋe society. These negative descriptions of females show that the virtues that are 9 See Dzobo, African Proverbs: The Moral Value of Ewe Proverbs Vol. 1 (Cape Coast, Ghana: Univ. of Cape Coast Dept. of Education, 1973), 79–80. Dzobo explains this proverb as a caution against beautiful appearances in general. Dzobo’s explanation of his proverb #183 that a beautiful woman easily becomes a prostitute above is fallacious because there are many beautiful women who are not and do not turn into prostitutes. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 93 cherished in African Eʋe society are seen via a male-dominated lens. Another proverb, which does not mention a woman but does so by implication is, “Evedzila memlɔa axa ɖeka dzi o.”10 This proverb means, “The “birth-er” of twins does not lie on one side.” Dzobo uses a neuter pronoun (i.e., the “birther”/the one who gives birth to), and this is used in the above translation. Since it is women who give birth it can be concluded that this is a third proverb in Dzobo’s collection of proverbs which refers to women. Proverbs 3 and 4 above can apply, metaphorically, to several other situations, for example, to teach people to be prudent by looking positively on whatever they have, no matter how little it might be and not to crave for what they cannot have. All the above four “better-than” proverbs can be explained by the English sayings, “A bird in hand is better than two in the bush” and also as “Half a loaf is better than none.”11 3.2.b Transience of the Human Condition Another set of proverbs which promote the virtue of prudence implicitly talk about the transience of the human condition. In the Eʋe community, while some people see their current success as permanent and are proud of it, other people act prudently. The latter do not take things for granted but rather see occurrences in life as neither permanent nor static. For the latter, life is dynamic and has several different phases that must be taken seriously. Proverb 1: Adetagbatsu be xexeame le ŋgɔ gale megbe hã. (Dzobo, # 85). Translation 1: The big housefly says, “The world [i.e. life] is in front and also behind.” Proverb 2: Xexeame la agama gbalẽ wònye. (Dzobo, # 86). Translation 2: The world [i.e., time] is [like] the skin of a chameleon. Proverb 3: Womekafua ŋkeke le ŋdi o. (Dzobo # 193). Translation 3: The day is not declared beautiful in the morning. 10 11 Dzobo, African Proverbs, proverb #73, p. 44. This translation is different from Dzobo’s but he is credited with unraveling the implicit part of the proverb by adding that “while she is in bed with the twin children.” Twins are believed to act together on instinct so that if one wants to suck their mother’s breasts, the other also wants to suck it at the same time. As such, their mother must lie down flat on her back with the twins sucking her breasts from both her sides. This avoids her being partial and as Dzobo explains it, the proverb can be used “to warn people against discriminatory practices.” See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 80–82. 94 Chapter 3 Proverb 4: Ŋdi menyona na ame wokoa nu o. (Dzobo # 192). Translation 4: You do not rejoice because the morning is good for you. Proverb 5: Đetsɔ̃ evi meɖia ŋdi ƒo dzɔa dzi o. (Dzobo # 191). Translation 5: The orphan does not rejoice after a heavy breakfast.12 Proverbs 1 and 2 explicitly speak about the “world,” which implies life or time, while the remaining three (3–5) make reference to the morning, and some human evaluations of the morning. Proverbs 1 and 2 by implication teach that “no condition is permanent” but that every condition can change. When the “big housefly” (Proverb 1) perches on something, it rubs its fore legs and then its hind legs together, alternately on to the surface of that thing, e.g., food, filthy things or places; in fact everything it perches on. The big housefly’s action is taken as an indication that the world is both behind and before.13 This proverb teaches the virtue of prudence: people should have both foresight and hindsight and not settle for one thing. Proverb 2 is a metaphor that compares the world, life and time, to the skin of a chameleon.14 Among the Eʋe peoples, children playing often observe the skin of the chameleon changing color according to its environment. This proverb indicates that situations in life are dictated by their contexts. Thus people must be prudent and act accordingly. Proverbs 3–5 speak about the morning and some human judgments about the initial hours of the day. These proverbs teach people to be prudent by acting promptly at daybreak, when the sun is bright, since the weather can easily change in the course of the day. People who are fortunate particularly early in life, should not be over-confident that things will remain the same forever. This is illustrated by an orphan who begins to rejoice after eating a full breakfast; he is cautioned not to rejoice after breakfast because there is no certainty about the next meal which might never come. The proverb, apart from teaching the orphan to be prudent, also warns people not to assess initial successes with excessive optimism.15 12 13 14 15 Contrast the Fulani proverb, “A satisfied person does not know what a hungry one feels like.” See http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/f/fulani_proverb/178588 .htm Accessed October, 2013. This proverb teaches prudence as well as sociability so that those who have should not take advantage of those who do not have. The proverb shows the selfishness or callousness of a person who is self-sufficient and cares less about the plight of others. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 48. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 49. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 82. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 95 Another proverb, which teaches prudence but has a logic that contrasts with the five proverbs above is, “Ha be ŋdi tsie nye tsi,” meaning, “The pig says, ‘The morning rain is the best’.” This proverb teaches the virtue of prudence by using the pig to praise a condition of life. Since the pig’s skin gets hot in the heat of the sun, when the morning rain comes before the sun heats up both the pig’s body and the water in which it wallows, the morning rain is refreshing for the pig. This proverb teaches people to act prudently at every given moment by making the most use of opportunities at their disposal. The proverb also teaches diligence as was shown in Chapter 2 above. As Dzobo correctly expresses it: the morning, believed to be the best time for doing things, refers to success in early life.16 Even though success can be attained early in life, ­people should not generalize initial successes or draw conclusions based on partial evidence because the human condition is unstable and uncertain.17 All these proverbs teach people to act prudently and not to be over-­confident as their current condition may change suddenly. The world and time are likened to the good or bad things that happen in human life. The human condition is not static, rather dynamic; people need to be ready to make adjustments and to adapt to change. A poor person who is being oppressed by a rich person can address these proverbs to a rich person to teach the latter to be prudent by being aware that riches may provide temporary happiness, but circumstances can change and the rich can become poor at any moment. The proverbs can also be used to encourage the poor that their condition can change for the better. These proverbs can be applied to people in good circumstances (like married people) or those who have achieved some success in life and who look down on the unmarried or less successful. The proverbs can also apply to a clever student who does not respect fellow students, or a successful business man or woman who despises the less fortunate in business or people who find themselves in difficult circumstances. People who condemn those who are considered as failures by society’s standards can be taught by these proverbs to be prudent in assessing both sides of an issue and to be prepared either for change or to adjust to situations18 since seeming success or happiness can turn into failures or sad situations and vice versa at any time. 16 17 18 Dzobo, African Proverbs, proverb #157, pp. 48–49, 82 and 157. Another proverb “Di be ŋdi gbe yedea ami.” (Dzobo # 156) This proverb means, “The bush rat says, ‘The morning grass is juicy’” and is similar to Dzobo # 157 about the pig and the morning rain. Both proverbs can be used to admonish people to make the best use of time and not procrastinate. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 82. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 71. 96 Chapter 3 3.2.c Act-Consequence As shown earlier in Chapter 2, many Eʋe proverbs promote diligence and humility by using a retributive, or act-consequence logic. Indeed, among the Eʋe peoples, “There is no smoke without fire” or vice versa. There is always some explanation for things that happen in life. In the following proverbs, the importance of listening to and heeding advice are highlighted: paying attention to advice promotes the wellbeing of those who act accordingly but those people in the community who lack prudence because they refuse to heed advice are destroyed. Proverb 1: Nyaseto menye abaka o. (Dzobo # 93). Translation 1: The ear that heeds words of advice is not as big as a basket. Proverb 2: Tɔ-gbe-mase, nɔ-gbe-mase, agɔbayae ɖia ame. (Dzobo, # 94).19 Translation 2: The child who refuses to heed the warnings of his or her parents is buried with branches of the fan palm. Proverb 3: Vi masenu aŋɔkae kua to nɛ. (Dzobo, # 96). Translation 3: The ear of the disobedient child is always pulled by a vine thorn. Proverb 4: Wɔ baɖa ku baɖae wua ame. (Dzobo, # 95). Translation 4: If you live recklessly (immorally), you always end up with a disgraceful death. These four proverbs speak about the importance of listening and obedience. Proverb 1, via a simple metaphor, compares the ear to a basket, which can be filled with things (implied), but the human ear can never be filled with words of counsel. By implication, although, a big basket can be filled with goods, the small ear hears many things but it can never be filled with counsel or advice. This proverb teaches people to be prudent by heeding advice. For instance, a young man or woman who plans to marry, but refuses to take advice from those who are married about how to find a good partner and succeed in marriage, can be taught by this proverb to heed advice to choose the right partner for a successful marriage. Proverbs 2 and 3 are similar. While in Proverb 2 a disobedient child dies a shameful death, in Proverb 3, when a child refuses to take advice, his or her ears are pulled by a vine thorn. Both proverbs refer to the disastrous 19 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 51–52. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 97 consequences of failing to listen to or obey parents or adults. The proverbs teach people to be prudent by following wise advice to avoid self-destruction or disaster. The message of Proverbs 2 and 3 can be directed to children and anyone who refuses to obey instructions or to heed advice. Since obedience is a virtue in traditional society, disobedient children are never given decent burials, with flowers and words of praise rather they get disrespectful burials with the harsh branches of the fan palm.20 The images used in these proverbs point to how Eʋe society judges negatively those who lack prudence in their dealings with other people regardless of age or social status. These proverbs can be used for a persistent thief or a notoriously disrespectful person who is advised to desist from inappropriate behavior but who refuses and disregards or flaunts the authority of the chief and traditional rulers who oversee the norms of the community. People who commit shameful acts in the community can be addressed by these proverbs to teach them to be prudent, by following the rules laid down by the society and thus avoid being disgraced or punished. Proverb 4 shows that when people do evil it can result in a tragic death. Though this explanation may not necessarily be true, or proved by empirical fact (since many bad people seem to live fairly long lives), in Eʋe society, acts normally go together with consequences. This proverb is used to deter people from doing evil; it encourages people to be prudent in their actions to avoid tragic consequences. All the proverbs and their explanations in the foregoing section are similar to and can be related to o the Nyanja, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Zambia proverb, which says, “A child or youth, who does not listen to an elder’s advice, gets his leg broken.”21 3.2.d Assessing Abilities As we have discussed in Chapter 2, a number of Eʋe folk proverbs teach the virtue of humility through the assessment of a person’s abilities. Similarly, a number of proverbs teach the virtue of prudence through the assessment of one’s abilities. Though some of these proverbs are discussed under “humility” in Chapter 2, the proverbs in this section are used to teach ‘prudence’. When the 20 21 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 51–52. See Afriprov.org/index.php/African-proverb-of-the-month, August, 2007. Similarly, the Kenya, Tanzania, Ngoreme proverbs, “If you refuse the advice of an elder, you will walk until sunset” (see http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/30 -2004proverbs/200-apr2004.html Accessed October, 2013) and “If you refuse the elder’s advice, you will walk the whole day” (see http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african -proverb-of-the-month/26-2000proverbs/152-march2000.html. Accessed October, 2013) can be used to explain the above proverbs and can be applied similarly. 98 Chapter 3 proverb is explained primarily as the virtue of prudence, the idea of humility is not lost because the two virtues, humility and prudence, are closely related. Proverb 1: Asi tu nyẽde metua agɔɖɔ o. (Dzobo # 13).22 Translation 1: The hand can be used to pull the tender branch of the date palm, but cannot be used to pullout the tender branch of the fan palm. Proverb 2: Vi dzronu medzroa golo ƒe azi o. (Dzobo # 7). Translation 2: A child can crave certain things but cannot crave the egg of an ostrich. Proverb 3: Avu lénu meléa dzata o. (Dzobo # 4). Translation 3: A dog can catch some animals but it cannot catch a lion. Proverb 4: Avu ɖuƒu meɖua ga o. (Dzobo # 5). Translation 4: A dog can break bones but cannot break a piece of iron [copper coins/money]. Proverb 5: Xe ƒonu meƒoa tɔmelo o. (Dzobo # 6). Translation 5: A predatory bird can prey on some animals but it cannot prey on the crocodile. In each of these proverbs, two seemingly similar yet different tasks are described one of which is easier than the other and one more difficult or even impossible. Proverbs 1 and 2 speak about the actions of the human hand and a child. Proverbs 3–5 refer to actions by animals (a dog in Proverbs 3 and 4, and a bird, in Proverb 5). Proverb 1 compares pulling leaves from the tender date palm branch to the pulling of rough and harsh branches of the fan palm by hand. The leaves of the date palm are tender, with single easy-to-handle leaves but those of the fan palm, as its name implies, are tightly connected to each other in the shape of a fan with very tough rough edges and a surface which makes it difficult to handle. In Proverb 2, a child can crave certain things but definitely not the egg of an ostrich. The ostrich is wild and very protective of its eggs; any threat to its eggs is a threat to the life of the ostrich, which causes it to swoop down angrily on its victim. In Proverbs 3 and 4, whereas a hunting dog can easily catch some animals and break bones, the dog does not dare catch a lion or break iron, 22 This proverb is used to illustrate “humility” in Chapter 2. It is used here to teach the practical virtue of “prudence.” The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 99 copper coins.23 Similarly, in Proverb 5, though a predatory bird can catch some animals, it dares not venture to prey on the crocodile. Metaphorically, these proverbs teach people to be prudent in the performance of tasks by doing only what lies within their capabilities and not attempting to perform impossible tasks, which might even be fatal. All these five proverbs can be used in a variety of situations to teach the value of prudence. For instance, a child who killed an earthworm or small insect should not boast of the ability to kill a snake or a wasp as easily. The latter tasks are very dangerous because the child can be bitten by the snake or stung by the wasp. Thus an apprentice, who thinks he or she can take on the role of the trainer, can fail due to the lack of technical experience or knowledge. The child or apprentice can be taught by these proverbs to be prudent by not taking on responsibilities for which they are not qualified. These proverbs can also be used for people who inflate their abilities to run large businesses because they have been successful in smaller scale commerce. The proverbs teach such people to be prudent in assessing their abilities. Though Dzobo does not state that these proverbs are specifically about prudence, he recognizes that they are about prudence when he talks about the importance of “accepting one’s power and acting within limits” by avoiding “excessive ambition.”24 Comparable English sayings can be “Cut your coat according to your cloth” or “Do not bite more than you can chew.” The following three Eʋe folk proverbs, which also have the act-consequence logic, also teach people to be prudent in carefully assessing their capabilities for doing things. Proverb 1: Dadi metsana lã ƒuƒui si o. (Dzobo # 201). Translation 1: A cat does not go into meat or dried fish trade. Proverb 2: Avɔ vuvutɔ mewɔa dzre o. (Dzobo # 202). Translation 2: A person in tattered clothes does not enter into a fight. Proverb 3: Ɖetifudola medzona toa dzo ŋgɔ o. (Dzobo # 152). Translation 3: The one who is clothed in cotton wool does not hover or jump over a flame. 23 24 The Eʋe word “ga” can have multiple meanings. It can refer to iron or any kind of metal as well as to money (i.e., minted copper coins). Dzobo, African Proverbs, 21–22. Furthermore, if people give heed to these proverbs and are not overly ambitious, they will be spared the pains of “unfulfilled and unrealized aspirations.” 100 Chapter 3 These three proverbs do not have an over-arching connection except that they implicitly teach people to be prudent in assessing their capabilities before taking certain actions. In Proverb 1, since the cat loves meat and dried fish, if it attempts to trade in meat or dried fish the business will collapse because the cat will eat his own merchandise. The cat’s weakness works against the success of this trade venture and it must be prudent by not engaging in such a trade. Proverbs 2 and 3 refer to wearing tattered clothes (Proverb 2) and clothing made of cotton (Proverb 3). The person who wears the former does not enter a fight, while the person who wears the latter does not jump over an open flame of fire. Whereas in Proverb 2, if the person enters a fight, the tattered clothes will be completely torn to shreds, and the person will be stripped naked and disgraced, in Proverb 3, if the person in cotton clothes tries to jump over the fire, the cotton clothes will catch fire and both the clothing and person would be burnt. All these three proverbs can be applied in similar situations to teach people to be prudent, to know their own limitations and avoid doing things that pinpoint their weaknesses. Metaphorically, people undertaking a new project must assess it to ensure they have the capability to follow through with it to avoid being disgraced for lack of ability to follow it through (Proverb 1), or for the complete failure of the project (Proverb 2). A student, who is not serious with his studies, a teacher, doctor, farmer or any professional who is careless about work, or a person who is not ready for marriage or adult life can all be advised by these proverbs. In these instances, the proverbs teach them to be prudent in assessing their abilities to avoid failure. As Dzobo expresses this: people should not foolishly advertise or underestimate their weaknesses, but they must assess and protect them realistically.25 3.2.e Appropriate Reactions to Situations In the Eʋe community, it is always advisable for people to act prudently according to prevailing circumstances since inappropriate actions can be seen as lack of feelings for other members of the community, being inconsiderate or rebellious against authority. The following Eʋe folk proverbs which also teach prudence can be applied metaphorically in a number of contexts. Proverb 1: Avi metsoa agbleta wodzɔa dzi o. (Dzobo # 1). Translation 1: You do not rejoice when you see people arrive from the farm weeping. 25 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 85. See pp. 69–70 for Dzobo’s explanation of Proverb 4 above suggests that people should not foolishly expose themselves to things that will ruin them. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 101 Proverb 2: Ketiba medona wodoa dzaa nɛ o. (Dzobo # 2). Translation 2: You do not welcome gladly a bundle made of mats. Proverb 3: Womekpɔa tsiɖoɖo trɔa zɔme tɔ ƒua gbe o. (p.e.). Translation 3: You do not throw out the water in your pot when you see rain clouds gathering. Proverb 4: Đe wokpɔa nyɔnu hafi ɖoa aba. (p.e.). Translation 4: You must find a woman before you lay the bed.26 In Eʋe communities an alarm is raised by crying or beating the gong-gong,27 a twin-tubed metal with two openings at one end and a closed end where the two tubes are connected to each other. The chief instructs the town-crier to beat the gong-gong, which can be likened to a fire alarm or siren to call the whole township to attention and people become very alert whether they are at home or on their farms. Important announcements about mishaps (usually a death or some disaster) or issues that need immediate attention are relayed by the gong-gong, which summons people to the chief’s palace. The action of a person who refuses to respond to the gong-gong or who laughs or rejoices at the sound of the gong-gong is seen as inhuman. When people come from the farm crying it is an indication that there has been some mishap like a death by snake-bite, a falling tree has killed someone, or someone must have fallen from a tree to death. The death might also be by murder or someone who was mauled by a wild animal or suicide by hanging on a tree in the farm. Proverb 1, therefore, warns against rejoicing when people return from the farm crying. Similarly, in Proverb 2, if a bundle of raffia mat (a type of mat made of grass in which dead bodies/corpses of people who died on the farm or did not die “naturally” are wrapped) comes to the town from the farm, it is not welcomed. Proverbs 1 and 2 can be used in similar contexts to teach people to be prudent by acting appropriately according to prevailing situations or circumstances. These proverbs are used for people who rejoice over the misfortune of others. When a person returns from facing the traditional council, is depressed or looks unhappy, this proverb can be used to teach observers to be prudent and not ridicule or laugh at the person, who may have been punished. Similarly, when people return to the village from the city or overseas 26 27 Dzobo lists only three proverbs about women in his work. This proverb about finding a woman before laying the bed is from my own personal experience. This is a kind of a local siren or fire alarm. 102 Chapter 3 looking unhappy, they probably have bad news and those at home should act prudently with sensitivity to the situation. These proverbs can also be used when a letter or message about the death of someone abroad or in another house or family has been delivered to the person’s family. This proverb teaches friends and neighbors to be sensitive to the feelings of the bereaved families as they mourn their loss. In another instance, if traditional birth attendants come out of a delivery chamber with sad faces, those waiting for the good news of the birth of a new baby should act prudently by not rejoicing since a stillbirth has probably taken place or the mother, or both mother and child have died. Unlike the grave situations described in Proverbs 1 and 2, which teach the virtue of prudence, through reacting appropriately to deaths or unfortunate events in the Eʋe community, Proverbs 3 and 4 are more light-hearted. Yet they also teach the virtue of prudence by speaking about anticipated actions and the result of lack of prudence in certain situations. In Proverb 3, when rain clouds begin to gather, it is normally an indication that there will be rain. Sometimes, however, the wind blows the rain clouds away and the weather clears up and it does not rain: the proverbs teach people to be prudent by not acting irrationally. In Proverb 4, if a person wishes to make love with another person, there must be prior agreement or arrangement to ensure that both parties are in agreement. Lack of prior preparation or working on assumptions lacks prudence. In this instance, people must be prudent by ensuring that they understand situations before they react to them so as to avoid senseless emotional reaction to events.28 The proverbs teach people to be prudent by being sensitive to situations confronting them or others. Proverbs 3 and 4 can be explained by the English saying, “Do not count your chicks before they are hatched.” since you cannot know how many of the eggs, will produce live chicks. Apart from the literal applications of these proverbs, they can also be used metaphorically. Proverbs 3 and 4 can be used to teach people to be prudent and not take chances. People must be careful not to discard what they have before they have what they want or anticipate getting. The proverbs can also be used for people, who do away with their old friends because they have found new friends, who they think are better than the old ones, only to find out that the new friends are not friends at all. Similarly, a person who divorces his or her spouse because they have found someone new or someone who has been promised a better paid job and resigns from the old 28 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 19. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 103 job but does not get the new job can be told this proverb to teach them that their actions lacked prudence. These proverbs can teach prudence to people who have no respect for parents, siblings, family, culture and who think that a foster family or foreign culture is better. The proverb teaches them to be prudent, by giving respect to whom and what they have since what they think is ideal or better than their own may fall short of the ideal. These proverbs teach people to act prudently as they do not know what the future holds. The proverbs can be explained by the English saying, “All that glitters is not gold.” 3.2.f Adjustment to Change Prudence demands that people should have wisdom to know how to adjust to changing conditions. The following five proverbs teach this lesson vividly. Life in the Eʋe community is prevented from being monotonous by activities that promote change from time to time. Proverb 1: ʋutɔtrɔ ŋue wotrɔa ɣeɖuɖu ɖo. (Dzobo, # 20). Translation 1: You change your steps according to the change in the rhythm of the drum. Proverb 2: Tukpee fia aʋadzedze ame. (Dzobo, # 127). Translation 2: Flying bullets teach you how to deploy your troops.29 Proverb 3: Yatsie fia xɔmɔnu ɖeƒe ame. (Dzobo, # 126). Translation 3: The rainstorm indicates the position of the door of a house. Proverb 4: Ta meɖua ame woƒoa tsi klo o. (Dzobo 128). Translation 4: When you have a headache you do not offer the knee for a treatment. Proverb 5: Womeɖoa sisi gadɔa alɔ̃ o. (Dzobo # 151). Translation 5: You do not go to sleep when you plan to escape. Drumming and dancing, the images of Proverb 1 are major sources of entertainment and very important pastimes that are learned and cultivated among Eʋe peoples. In this pastime, both the drummers and dancers are quick to 29 Proverbs 2 and 5 have already been treated in Chapter 2 under “diligence” but they are used here to teach prudence. 104 Chapter 3 know when they should change the beats or the rhythm of the drum music as well as their steps accordingly. As the drummers play the music the dancers are alert for the rhythm of the drum that gives them the cue to move their steps in another direction.30 Metaphorically, the proverb teaches people to be prudent and make adjustments that conform to circumstances. Proverb 1 can even refer to prudence in dressing up for either a special or an ordinary occasion. The attire for church, for dancing, for performing house chores, for farming all differ according to the importance of the occasion. Proverb 2 emerges from military life and personifies how “bullets” are deployed in the defensive in a battle. In Proverb 2, the direction of the offensive, enemy gun-shots or arrows show which way to launch the defensive. Proverbs 1 and 2 teach similar lessons. As Dzobo suggests, there are no general fixes or solutions to problems because the solutions to problems are determined by the nature of the problems.31 By contrast to Proverbs 1 and 2, Proverb 3 is from the domestic sphere and is a saying to heed when building a house. It teaches that to prevent rain water from entering your room in a rain storm, the main door of the house must be positioned in the opposite direction away from the storms. Although, when taken literally, Proverb 3 offers a piece of important practical wisdom, in a new context, it can be used like Proverbs 1 and 2 to teach prudence. Proverb 3 can be applied for understanding how to handle new and diverse situations. These three proverbs can be applied to every venture in life, business, education, economics, to teach people to be prudent by knowing the best action to take in any particular situation since there is no single tailored one-fits-all action. Unlike Proverbs 1–3, which are positive statements, Proverbs 4 and 5, which speak about not treating the knee when you have a headache and not going to sleep when you plan to escape, are negative statements. Proverbs 4 and 5, like the earlier three proverbs (1–3), teach prudence through setting priorities and taking actions appropriate to each situation to achieve success. Proverb 4 can be applied to a person who is not prudent when dealing with a problem or a negative trait like excessive drinking by refusing to deal with it despite warnings. Proverb 4 can be used to admonish people to tackle problems directly by not being evasive. Thus, a young man or woman, who misuses his or her body and fails to heed advice, a parent who refuses to rebuke his or her children for 30 31 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 24. Changing dancing steps according to the rhythm of the leading drum teaches people to conduct themselves according to changing circumstances and not to be unreasonably rigid in their thinking and behavior. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 60–61 and 69. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 105 wrong deeds but always points to other people’s children who are worse, a weak student who refuses to study but always blames the teacher, a lazy worker who blames the tools and other people, can all be taught by these proverbs to be prudent and take responsibility for their actions. Proverb 5 can be applied to anyone who plans to undertake a challenging task like marriage, farming, or some profession, but who becomes lazy to teach them to be prudent by being intentional about their plans and not to turn away from the vision. Thus Proverbs 4 and 5 teach people to be prudent in addressing the real issues facing them by not playing the “blame game” or dodging responsibility. All five proverbs, therefore, teach people to respond prudently according to the demands of the situations in which they find themselves.32 Two other proverbs that speak about the importance of prudence are: Proverb 1: Đe wokplɔa agbadzi hafi kplɔa anyigba. (Dzobo, # 101). Translation 1: You [sweep] the ceiling before you [sweep] the floor. Proverb 2: Womedzena le fɔ̃ ŋuti va sia de o. (Dzobo # 102). Translation 2: You cannot cut the oil palm fruit without first cutting the branches (that protect them). In the Eʋe community, one of the household chores of children includes sweeping and they are taught by their parents and carers to sweep the ceiling before they sweep the floor so as not to dirty the ceiling with the dirt from the floor or dirty the floor with the soot and other dirt that might fall from the ceiling. This situation is mirrored in Proverb 1. Metaphorically, the proverb speaks about the importance of being prudent in setting priorities in life. Proverb 2 has a similar meaning. Before the farmer can physically reach the juicy fruits which are held together in single palm “heads” which grow bigger than the head of a human being and are embedded between the branches and trunk of the palm tree, he must be prudent to first remove the palm branches. In context, Proverbs 1 and 2 teach people to be prudent but they also have secondary metaphorical meanings: these two proverbs teach prudence by warning people to set priorities in whatever they do by taking the necessary initial steps before taking other supporting steps. These proverbs can be used, for example, for a person, who plans to marry but who avoids pre-marital and engagement counseling. Similarly, someone who walks into another’s property without prior consultation with the property owner can be told this proverb to teach them respect for the property owner; lack of prudence can mean trouble 32 See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 61. 106 Chapter 3 for the trespasser. Members of a traditional society must visualize the seriousness of problems and work out appropriate solutions; to over or under-­estimate a problem is a serious defect.33 3.2.g Rifts One major aim of the Eʋe community is to promote prudence by which people can adapt to situations of conflict. In spite of this overarching aim, instances of misunderstanding and petty rifts do occur among members of the community. These rifts are often connected with jealousies in regard to class, status, gender and age. Normally, nothing can be done practically to remove these rifts. Eʋe proverbs acknowledge and address this aspect of community life. The following proverbs speak about these rifts; they are not concerned with mending those relationships, but teaching people to be prudent and to recognize that some social relationships will be difficult. These proverbs personify animals, a common feature of Eʋe folk proverbs. The proverbs use their typical behaviors to comment on and evaluate human society. Proverbs in this category can also be used to teach sociability though with a slightly different application context. Proverb 1: Koklovi ƒe nya medzɔna le aʋakowo de o. (Dzobo # 137). Translation 1: A chick is never declared innocent in the court [land] of the hawks (because hawks prey on chicken).34 Proverb 2: Bliku ƒe nya medzɔna le koklowo de o. (Dzobo # 138). Translation 2: Corn [lit., a seed of maize] is never declared innocent in the court [land] of the chicken [because chicken feed on corn]. Proverb 3: Adoglo be mɔtonɔlae dzeasi eƒe futɔ. (Dzobo, # 172). Translation 3: The lizard says that “you know your enemy by resting at the road side.” Proverb 4: Adoglo be agbe ɖe wò vena le yeŋu eyata yeme ƒuna dzo lãlẽ o. (Dzobo # 148). Translation 4: The lizard says, “Life is precious to him and so he does not sunbathe.” 33 34 See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 53–54. According to Dzobo, these proverbs teach the need for doing things according to specific procedures. Cf., the Fante proverb, “A poor man [person] cannot win a court case,” which teaches the value of community relations/sociability, can also be used in similar contexts as the Eʋe proverbs. See Golka, The Leopard’s Spots p. 62. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 107 Proverb 5: Đaɖi be nue le yeŋu eyata yemedzea atilɔ dzi o. (Dzobo # 196). Translation 5: The partridge says, “People always speak evil of her and so she does not rest on twigs.”35 It is natural for hawks to swoop on chickens just as it is natural for chickens to peck at corn for food. The hawk and the chicken must eat to survive and the chicken and corn are their means of survival. Proverbs 1 and 2 build on an understanding of this natural state of affairs and add a legal metaphor – the court – to justify it. As with all folk proverbs, the literal meanings of the sayings give way to a metaphorical application. Proverbs 1 and 2 can be used to describe people with bitter hatred between them; nothing done by the one pleases the other. This enmity can be between step children from an earlier marriage and children from a current marriage who share the same father or mother. The children of the current marriage might feel or enjoy some privileges that their step siblings might not and this makes the deprived children angry with the privileged children. In such a situation nothing the latter do appeases the former. Similarly, the children from the earlier marriage can also feel deprived of their privileges for being younger than their step siblings and so nothing their older step siblings do ever appeals to them. The proverbs can also be applied to two students, one of whom is favored by the teacher while the other is not. Someone in a position of authority who feels intimidated by a subordinate can turn his or her anger on the subordinate, so that the boss never sees anything good in what the subordinate does. In spite of the difficulty of the relationship, people must be prudent and learn to co-exist. Proverbs 3 and 4 speak about lizards and the value they place on their lives. In the Eʋe cultural context, lizards particularly the large orange-headed male agama lizards, and the female grey ones, are often seen chasing each other on walls or on the ground in people’s compounds or across the street. When children see these lizards, they throw stones or slings at them and this makes the lizards run very fast. Apart from the lizards’ lives being in danger from the stones thrown at them, they are even in more danger if they are found resting on a wall. In this instance, the lizards become aware of their enemies, either 35 Cf., the Wolof proverb, which says, “The partridge loves peas, but not those that go into the pot with it”. See www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_wolof _proverb/73112.htm Accessed October, 2013. The way that people speak evil of the partridge is to boil it in the pot with peas, that is why it is very careful not to rest on twigs where it can become easy game for hunters. 108 Chapter 3 children at play or other predators. Similarly, the partridge of Proverb 5, whose delicious meat is prized by the Eʋe peoples, is careful not to “rest” too long on tree branches, where it can be vulnerable to those who “speak evil” of the partridge, who are the hunters who catch or kill it for food. Both proverbs can be applied in similar situations. All the foregoing proverbs teach people to be prudent and avoid stepping on the toes of others, lest the aggrieved people should lash back at them. Though the proverbs do not bring about any change or foster reconciliation between enemies, they create awareness of rifts in the community. These proverbs teach prudence by suggesting that since life is very precious it must not foolishly be exposed to danger.36 People must act prudently so that they do not fall into the traps of their enemies. These proverbs can be used for people who are careless about their work or about life in general to teach them to be prudent in whatever they do. The application contexts of Proverbs 3–5 are similar. The lesson of prudence learned in these proverbs is given expression in the Eʋe proverb, which says, “Koklo[tsu] be vɔvɔ̃ e nye agbe.”37 This proverb means, “The cock says, ‘Fear is live’.” In the Eʋe community, country chickens are very common. They can be seen scratching for worms, red/white ants and other things for food. When country chickens see people coming toward them, they begin to run as fast as they can away from the people because they are always afraid that if people catch them, they would be slaughtered. Hence an observation of the action of the country chickens running away from people is interpreted as their saying, “Fear is life,” which means running away in fear from people is to remain alive. This proverb teaches prudence by suggesting that “there is time to show bravery and time to be afraid by retreating cautiously from dangerous situations.”38 When the parents of children from two families are not on good terms with each other, their children, who try to enter into a relationship can be cautioned by these proverbs. In such an instance, the proverbs would admonish the children to be prudent with their relationship with each other so as not to worsen the already strained relationship between their parents. For example, if the parents of a young man do not like the parents of the young woman he wants to date or vice versa, these children can be taught to be prudent in their relationship with each other since their relationship might never work out because of the rift between their parents. 36 37 38 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 68 and 76. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, Proverb #34, p. 30. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 30. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 3.3 109 The Virtue of “Sociability” In an attempt to deal with the virtue of “sociability” in the Eʋe cultural context, an article in which Martha Nussbaum dialogues with Aristotle concerning traditions, relativism and objectivity, is helpful in providing some clues to the virtue of sociability. For Nussbaum every culture has its own ideas about which virtues are most important. She points out that there are some virtues like sociability, that are universal and, therefore, common to all societies, even though in any particular context they might be presented in unique ways.39 Nussbaum agrees with Aristotle that “our dependence upon the world outside us: some sort of need for food, drink, and the help of others,”40 is also essential. She highlights this latter point in Aristotle’s argument that “we would want to include sociability as well, which is some sensitivity to the needs of and pleasure in the company of other beings similar to ourselves.”41 The foregoing partial dialogue between Nussbaum and Aristotle shows that virtues are aimed at the common good, not only at individuals; we also interact with our society or community and the circumstances around us. This dialogue plays out in the Eʋe community where one of the highly cherished virtues is sociability. The Eʋe words used to describe sociability provide evidence of the high value placed on this virtue in the Eʋe cultural context. The Eʋe word for “sociable,” from which the word “sociability” is derived is “sɔ ame dome.”42 The words “sɔ ame dome” is a verbal expression that can be used as an imperative or a command to people to “be sociable.” Another Eʋe word used for sociability is “amedomesɔsɔ,” which is a combination of the three words, “ame” a person or people, “dome” among or in the midst of and “sɔsɔ” fitting or being in equality with and is a verbal noun and can be used adverbially to mean “sociability.” These expressions together mean to “fit in well among people or to be in equality with people,” where “people” is equivalent to the Hebrew word ‘adam humanity. Great value is placed on the virtue of sociability in the Eʋe community, where communality is highly cherished over individuality. John S. Mbiti, writing on the traditional religious and philosophical world view of African peoples, expresses the idea of sociability vividly by asserting that “I am because we are and because we are, therefore I am.”43 This assertion 39 40 41 42 43 Nussbaum, “Traditions, Relativism, and Objectivity” in The Quality of Life eds. Martha Nussbaum and Amartya Sen (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 266. Nussbaum, “Traditions, Relativism, and Objectivity” p. 266. Nussbaum, “Traditions, Relativism and Objectivity” p. 267. See C.A. Akrofi, G.L. Botchey and B.K. Takyi, An English, Akan, Eʋe, Ga Dictionary, 252. John S. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy (Nairobi, Kenya: Heinemann, 1979), 1. 110 Chapter 3 points to the sociability or communality of African peoples, where the wellbeing of one member of the society is tied in with the wellbeing of everyone else and vice versa. Since sociability is taken very seriously, an anti-sociable person is often suspected to be an evil person. In light of the above definitions, Eʋe folk proverbs often thematize ideas that promote sociability. From the foregoing, “sociability” can be considered in terms of a group of human beings, which here can be related to the Eʋe peoples as they cooperate with one another, with a social consciousness for social reform on social issues. Additionally, because the Eʋe community sees itself as a social unit, sociability plays out as members live together in associations and groups. They enjoy each other’s company, are friendly, agreeable and get along well with each other. They are often in companionship and offer practical help, vocational advice and other forms of assistance. The relationship of the Eʋe peoples is characterized by pleasant, informal conversation, much of which contains folk proverbs that constitute the African tree of life in this Book. The virtue of “sociability” is thus given expression in acts that foster social harmony and show sensitivity to the needs of other members in the Eʋe society or community. Loyalty to the social group, community and selflessness promote the success of many activities in the Eʋe community, since as social obligations, all members are expected to help each other. This is achieved by members helping others generously, without ostentation and without making those who receive the help feel inferior. On the other hand, those who receive help are taught to appreciate the help of others. Neither those who help others nor those who receive help from others intentionally should take advantage of each other but both giver and receiver must learn to appreciate each other. By contrast, anything that works against the communality involved in sociability is disruptive, throws the equilibrium of the society off balance and is, therefore, not acceptable. This does not mean that there are no activities that work against sociability in Eʋe communities. Such activities exist since there is always some degree of misunderstanding about which nothing can be done except to advise people to act prudently as shown by the rifts in the community (which we discussed earlier). The proverbs that address rifts in the community serve as warnings to dissuade members of the community from acting against the social equilibrium but to act to make people fit in with each other. 3.3.a Pride in What One Owns Eʋe society frowns upon any act or person whose actions denigrate the society and people are always taught to be wary of deeds that may suggest any form of The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 111 negativity toward the community. These are given expression in a number of Eʋe folk proverbs. The following are some examples: Proverb 1: Kokloxɔ mekpea ŋu na koklo o. (Dzobo # 115). Translation 1: The chicken is never ashamed of its coop. Proverb 2: Wometsɔa mia fia ame ƒe dume mɔ o. (Dzobo # 116). Translation 2: You do not use your left hand to point the way to your home-town. Proverb 3: Dumenyo mesɔa aƒe o. (Dzobo # 117). Translation 3: A comfortable foreign country is not the same as your own home country. Proverb 4: Aƒenya mewua ame o. (Dzobo # 118). Translation 4: You are never overcome by troubles at home. Proverb 5: Ame ŋutɔe yɔa eƒe akplẽkɔe be akplẽkɔ. (Dzobo, # 119). Translation 5: The person who is eating refers to his/her small lump of “cornmeal” food as a big one. These proverbs call upon members of the community not to denigrate what they possess. Proverbs 1 and 2 speak about chickens not being ashamed of their coop, and people to not point to their home-towns with the left hand. Among the Eʋe people, the left hand (used in Proverb 2) is considered “unclean” because it is used for doing certain things, which are considered unclean (e.g., cleaning one’s anal areas, blowing the nose, picking up trash and doing other “filthy” things). This proverb has been analyzed under “Types or Forms” of Eʋe proverbs in Chapter 2. To use the left hand even in gestures when talking with people is, therefore, considered disrespectful. Proverbs 1 and 2 call on members to be sociable by taking pride in the community and not to be ashamed of or disrespect where they come from. Though Proverbs 1 and 2 literally, refer to chickens and the left hand, these proverbs also teach people to respect their places of origin or home-towns and to show pride of ownership in what they can call their own. The proverbs can also be deployed in cautioning people against disrespecting their parents, siblings, families, places of abode, or some status in life, especially, when people, places and things have made important contributions in some way to what the people have become. To disrespect such people and places is tantamount to pointing to a person’s home-town with the left hand, or being a chicken 112 Chapter 3 ashamed of its coop, which is unacceptable in the society. These sayings warn against anti-sociability; by teaching the virtue of sociability which promotes unity among the members of the community. According to Proverb 3, no matter how good a foreign country may be, it can never compare to a person’s own home and in Proverb 4, a person cannot be overwhelmed by the problems of the person’s home because there is a support system of relatives to help out.44 When a person gets into trouble, his immediate family can be in a better position to help by sharing the burden so it does not become overwhelming; this role will be less likely borne by someone who is not a family member. These two proverbs suggest that people should never leave what they have—their own culture and customs—for those of other people since nothing else can compare with what a person owns. Though Proverbs 3 and 4 refer to the value of a person’s home, they can also be used to instruct a child or anyone, who is never content with anything and complains that his or her parents, teachers, friends or possessions are worthless and not good enough and keeps comparing them to those of other people. The virtue of sociability is fostered by these proverbs which teach what can be explained by the English expression, “All that glitters is not gold,” in that, what children or adults consider as better than what they have can be a mirage. The lessons of the above four proverbs are endorsed by Proverb 5, which says a person must describe the morsel of food he or she is eating for what it is. Even if the morsel is little, the value placed on it by the person eating it is what causes other people to respect the small morsel. Though the meaning of Proverb 5 is obvious, a farmer who brings home a portion of his small harvest, but makes much of it for people to know that he is a very good farmer can be praised by this proverb. In such a context, even if no one else recognizes how good the harvest is, the farmer is proud of it and praises it as such. A person who does not appreciate what he or she has e.g., education, parents, or occupations like farming, driver’s mechanic, house keeper and not more “decent” job, or whose son is not an Engineer but a teacher or construction worker, etc., and is always wishing for something better, can also be told this proverb. The proverb teaches the latter that they must value and be proud of what they have so others will value them too. When people place great value on whatever belongs to them, the entire community also sees the value of those things and praises the persons who have those gifts, although the gifts may be seen by some people as mediocre or insignificant. The moral lesson of Proverb 5 is to show appreciation for and make the most of whatever a person has and not envy 44 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 58. According to Dzobo, proverb 4 teaches “a reasonable contentment with what one has.” The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 113 other people for what they have.45 These proverbs are similar to the antelope’s claim in the Eʋe proverb, “Ahlɔ̃ e be asiketi si le yesi lae nye yetɔ,”46 which means, “The antelope says, ‘It is the tail that he has behind him that is his own’.” Thus these proverbs do not only teach individuals to value what they have but they also teach the virtue of sociability, which affects all the members of the society via the individual concerned. 3.3.b Sharing Resources In the Eʋe community, it is the duty of every member to be helpful to others in order to foster sociability and communality. Even though mutual assistance is commonplace, some members of the community are selfish. Several Eʋe proverbs are variously used in teaching the virtue of sociability whereby members share their resources and do not take advantage of the less fortunate members of the community. Proverbs 1: Hotakpotɔ meɖua nu tea hokatɔ o. (Dzobo # 52). Translation 1: The person who is semi-affluent does not refuse to give to the one who is affluent indeed. Proverb 2: Fiafitɔ meɖua wu agbletɔ o. (Dzobo # 31). Translation 2: A thief does not reap more than the farmer himself. Proverb 3: Ne wònyo na nu eyae hafi wògbana ɖe ge me. (Dzobo, # 55). Translation 3: The mouth must have enough to eat before it spills over into the beard. Proverb 4: Ame nɔvi menɔa yɔkuti dzi woɖua yɔ gbogbo o. (Dzobo # 57). Translation 4: If your brother [sibling] is in a sheanut tree, you do not eat green sheanuts. Proverb 5: Detsi vivi ye hea zi ve. (Dzobo, # 21). Translation 5: Tasty soup (meal) draws seat (people) to itself. Since class and social status cannot be ignored in any society among the Eʋe peoples, some people are wealthier than others. Proverb 1 teaches that the less affluent should not refuse to share with the genuinely affluent. In other words, 45 46 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 53. Dzobo African Proverbs, Proverb # 100, p. 53. 114 Chapter 3 the person who is not very wealthy must not refuse to do a good deed for the person who possesses a lot more wealth. If the less affluent helps the more affluent, it is likely that when the former needs help, the latter would gladly offer it. Conversely, if the less affluent refuses to offer help to the truly affluent, it may be difficult for former to get help from the latter when the need arises. As an example, if a wealthy trader asks for a tuber of yam, or some farm produce or other favor from the peasant farmer, the farmer must not refuse to give it to the trader. Should the peasant farmer refuse to help the trader, this proverb can be used to remind the farmer about the value of sociability, which requires members of the community to help each other. The proverb also cautions the peasant farmer that he or she may need the help of the wealthy trader one day, and as such, it would be better for him to provide the trader with the needed help. Similarly, the proverb can teach students, who are good at one subject but not very good at another subject, to be sociable by helping each other. This proverb can be used to remind people that since they all need help in some area in life, they should help each other in order to foster the bonds of sociability. These proverbs teach sociability so that when people offer help to those who are in some need those who receive help can also offer their help at another time to those who helped them when they were in need. It follows that some degree of self-interest is exhibited when helping others. This self-interest expresses itself in members helping those in need at one point in time, and getting help from others at another point in time.47 Helping others albeit out of self-interest allows for eventualities in any undertaking and influences giving judiciously in all undertakings in the community. This sometimes works against sociability but people who really understand sociability who are truly sociable, will “share” with others without any expectation of getting back what they contributed. In contrast to giving out of self-interest, sharing is something done in the Eʋe community because members are a community, and not because members are a group of individuals engaging in implicit contracts with one another. This community-based spirit of the Eʋe peoples promotes the cherished virtue of sociability. In Proverb 2, the thief cannot reap more than the farmer because the farmer owns the property. This proverb, also used to teach diligence in Chapter 2, refers to a typical situation in which some people in the community delight in taking what belongs to other people. As “diligence,” the images used for the thief and the farmer in the proverb, teach people to avoid living off the means of others but engaging in honest work. Furthermore, they encourage people, 47 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 29, 36–37. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 115 like the farmer, not to be dissuaded from pursuing their dreams in spite of little obstacles and eventualities that occur. The proverb teaches people like the thief not to take advantage of others, and others like the farmer not to be selfish with what they have. Although the image of the thief who takes other people’s property without permission may sound negative, the saying nonetheless promotes the positive value of sharing. It can also be understood metaphorically to show people who cheat to avoid such anti-social behavior, as they cannot claim complete ownership of what does not belong to them. In other words, people who delight in eating off the toils of others can be taught to reform their ways because they can never succeed if they continue to live that way. The proverb can teach an affluent person who incurs losses through assisting others in the community not to be perturbed by the losses since such loses are bound to be incurred in every social venture. It teaches the affluent person to consider a little amount of loss as help to other members of the community; this must not prevent him or her from continuing to assist others which will not deplete what he or she has. In the Eʋe community, it is believed that when things go well with one person others in the community also benefit from it. This belief makes it mandatory for members of the community to assist each other for the common good. Similarly, people who are helped by others have the responsibility of also helping others. Proverb 3 which uses an image of food or drink running out of a person’s mouth into the person’s beard can be performed in a wide range of contexts to promote social cohesion and wellbeing. The proverb can be explained by the English saying, “One good turn deserves another.” Thus the success of one member spills over to other members of the community. Proverb 3 can be used for a person who needs encouragement to succeed in an undertaking; e.g., if one child in a family attains a high standard of achievement, the family is encouraged to help that child to succeed so that that child will also help other children or members of the community. The first daughters or sons who get married in a family can thus be the subject of this proverb. When they succeed in marriage and give directions to those who follow them the latter would also succeed in their marriages. Proverb 4 speaks about a person who does not eat the green but the ripe fruits when his or her siblings are on top of a sheanut tree. This proverb refers to a common phenomenon in the Eʋe community: children climb mango, papaya, guava, black berry, cherry, apple, avocado, orange, grape fruit and other fruit trees when the fruit trees are in season. When the yield is abundant the children who climb the trees tend to pick both the green and ripe fruits. As they pick the fruits they would throw down the ripe fruits to their own biological siblings and good friends but throw the unripe or 116 Chapter 3 green fruits to those who are not their siblings or friends. This Proverb (4), similar to Proverb 3, can be used in a number of situations. It can be used as a compliment for someone whose relative has succeeded in life and has helped that person to do well. When used in this context the proverb means the one who is given the compliment is fortunate that the goodwill of his or her predecessor has spilled over to them. Proverb 4 can also be used to advise an older brother or sister who is leaving for college or to start working to remember to help younger siblings by setting a good example. The proverb encourages those who have not yet made it to the top to assist those who are at the top that when things go well with them the benefits will spill over to others in the community. It teaches the virtue of sociability by encouraging members of the community to help each other and warns people not to be selfish. According to Proverb 5, when soup or food tastes good, people draw their seats towards it because they would like to taste or eat it. This proverb stands on its own among the others in this category and can be used to explain a situation in which good food attracts “eaters.” However, metaphorically, Proverb 5 can be used to teach similar lessons like the other four proverbs. Just as good food is delicious, by implication, good deeds are admirable. The proverb teaches people to do what is good so they will gain admiration from the whole community. Proverb 5 can be used for any member of the Eʋe community, who makes a name through an extraordinary achievement. The whole community is honored by such deeds and the praise accorded to the person who achieves the feat spills over to his or her family and community. Thus the son of a farmer, who becomes a pilot, an engineer, or a politician, can be praised by this proverb. It may also be applied to a good teacher, doctor, surgeon, lawyer, farmer, leader, etc. When people put their confidence in other people, the latter must prove their worth by handling competently matters entrusted to them. A blacksmith or goldsmith, a traditional native doctor or herbalist, who produces good tools or herbal concoctions, is always sought after. Children can be taught by this proverb to make the most of their education and life in general to boost the pride of their families and society as a whole. 3.3.c Personal Relationships Personal relationships are important for promoting sociability in the Eʋe community and thus anything that works against amicable relationships in the community is frowned upon. Several proverbs are used to teach good social relationships with both friends and enemies. Corporate responsibility for actions seeks to promote the wellbeing of all members of the Eʋe society. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 117 Proverb 1: Dzre mele ŋku kple alɔ̃ dome o. (Dzobo # 134). Translation 1: There is no quarrel between the eye and sleep.48 Proverb 2: Tre eve nɔ tsi ŋgɔ megbea ŋui ƒuƒu wo nɔewo o. (Dzobo # 136). Translation 2: Two calabashes on the surface of the same water are bound to touch [rub against] each other. Proverb 3: Ame eve mesia du le mɔlu ʋaʋã me o. (Dzobo, # 143). Translation 3: Two people do not race through a rice farm. Proverb 4: Evedzila memlɔa axa ɖeka dzi o. (Dzobo # 73). Translation 4: The mother of twins does not lie on one side while she is feeding the twins. Proverb 5: Afɔ megblẽa ame dome o. (Dzobo # 135). Translation 5: The foot does not disrupt personal relationships. Proverb 1 speaks about the close relationship between the eyes and the act of sleeping. Metaphorically, misunderstandings among family members or between siblings over issues that can lead to enmity between the parties involved are addressed by this proverb, which teaches the contending members of a family or community that they are interdependent and must value their relationships. Since the eye and sleep do not quarrel “because they are naturally related,” this proverb can be used for two sisters or family members who are not on speaking terms with each other to show them that they must not allow anything to destroy the closeness of their relationship.49 The proverb teaches people to be sociable by living amicably with each other. Proverb 1 can describe the misunderstandings between a worker and a supervisor, an apprentice and a master, step siblings, parents and their children, a chief and his elders, etc. The relationship between these pairs of people is very close and nothing should be allowed to disrupt it. In the Eʋe community, people cannot avoid inadvertently stepping on each other’s toes but this should not prevent people from living amicably and in 48 49 This proverb can also be explained with the Congolese proverb, which says, “Sleep is the cousin of death.” See http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african _congo_proverb/83443.htm. Accessed October, 2013. This proverb shows the close relationship between death and sleep. By implication, the two cannot have misunderstandings between them due to their ­similarity/close resemblance to each other. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 63–64. 118 Chapter 3 unity. Proverb 2 is similar to Proverb 1 but it is expressed positively in the image of two calabashes50 on water rubbing against each other. A calabash is a ball-like plant that grows on a vine and looks like the water melon or cantaloupe fruit; it is usually called a gourd. When it gets big enough to harvest, it is cut from the vine, split in two halves along its circumference. The seeds and fruity inside are scooped out and it is washed out thoroughly. The two halves are then sundried until they look golden brown or greenish brown. Each half of the calabash is then used like a cup, for drinking water, porridge, cereals or other liquids. Calabashes are so light that they never sink in water but float and when two half calabashes are placed on water; they easily rub against each other. Proverb 2, which mirrors the relationship between two calabashes on water, can be used for two friends, relatives, students or workers who dislike each other to teach them that they need to live with a little tension sometimes, but they must quickly make good misunderstandings and not allow them to destroy good social relationships. Proverb 3 is similar to Proverbs 1 and 2. It speaks about the context of ricegrowing communities, where a lot of care is taken of the rice throughout the entire cultivation process until the crop is harvested. The rice plants grow very close to each other and their stalks are very delicate and can easily break if care is not taken. Thus if two people run through a rice farm when the crops are ripe and ready to harvest, they will cause damage by trampling the crop under foot. Anger towards other members of the community is not acceptable: this proverb teaches people to live peacefully with each other. Proverb 3 can be used figuratively to warn people against acting in anger or in an unfriendly manner.51 It can teach two hot-tempered people who are quarrelling to control their anger and patch up their differences. Just as trampling rice causes damage to the crop, so when anger, bitterness, and misunderstanding are not resolved, they damage personal relationships, social survival and the wellbeing of the community. Conflicts between members of the community must be addressed to prevent them from working against sociability. Apart from being applicable to the mother of twins, Proverb 4, like all folk proverbs, can be applied in a wide range of contexts to teach the virtue of sociability. Anyone, like the elder or leader in a community who takes sides in a dispute by showing favoritism toward one party against the other party and who does not treat all subjects or followers fairly, but rather plays some against 50 51 The calabash is a gourd-like receptacle. It looks like a scooped out half cantaloupe or honey dew and is sometimes used like a cup for fetching water and for drinking cereals and other liquids. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 66. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 119 others can be advised by this proverb. In this case, it disgraces the elder for failure to do his or her duty toward the community in an appropriate manner. The proverb teaches that taking sides works against sociability; everyone must be treated fairly just as the mother of twins must lie down flat on her back so each of the twins can suck from either breast. The final proverb in this group (5), which says, “The foot does not disrupt personal relationships,” is slightly different from the other four but it too can be used to teach similar lessons: In the Eʋe cultural context, cordial relationships are normally maintained by paying frequent visits to people by walking to their houses.52 In the Eʋe community people cherish good conversation and friendly visits to and from each other. When people visit friends and family in their homes, those visited feel cared about and those who make the visits feel valued. People use the visits to enjoy each other’s company and as opportunities to share their individual and corporate histories, to listen to others and be listened to. Proverb 5 can be applied metaphorically to offer praise and give commendation to people for their good deeds which maintains good relationships among the Eʋe peoples. All these five proverbs teach the value of sociability, which avoid deeds which cause strife in the community by promoting and encouraging cordial social relationships. 3.3.d Mindfulness of One’s Own Personal Business To preserve amicable relationships and social harmony in the community, the Eʋe proverbs encourage people to ‘mind their own business’, and not meddle in the personal affairs of others. The following proverbs reveal this valued aspect of the virtue of sociability. Proverb 1: Glã tutɔ meɖua nu glã tutɔ ʋana o. (Dzobo # 140). Translation 1: The jaw that is engaged in chewing food is the one seen moving.53 Proverb 2: Ave ma-tsɔ-ame-gbɔ womeɖea ka le eme o (Dzobo # 91). Translation 2: You cannot gather vines from a forest that is too far away from you. Proverb 3: Gli matsɔ-ame-gbɔ womedea me o. (Dzobo # 92). Translation 3: You cannot lean against a wall that is too far away from you. 52 53 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 63–64. Dzobo translates this proverb positively but the real translation of this proverb is, “One [that is, another] jaw does not engage in chewing/eating while another (that is, a different) jaw is seen moving.” 120 Chapter 3 Proverb 4: Vudo matsɔ-ame-gbɔ womedua tsi le eme o. (p.e.). Translation 4: You do not draw water from a well that is too far away from you. Proverb 1 speaks about the jaw that is seen moving because it is chewing. This proverb has act-consequence logic in it like the other three proverbs (2–4). Proverb 1 can be used for people, who get into trouble because they called for it. This proverb can be used either to praise somebody who does a good job and is rewarded for the good deed or to point out the evil consequences which result from a person’s evil deeds. An industrious young man or woman, a business man or woman, a hardworking farmer, trader, student, or professional can all be praised by this proverb for the success they attain. In contrast to the praise for good deeds, this proverb can be used for a person who openly flaunts the authority of the chief, or a thief who gets caught and is made to face up to the consequences of his or her action, being brought to justice. This also teaches them and others, who may be contemplating doing the same kind of thing as the person being punished to act sociably. As a lesson, the proverb can be translated into telling the evil-doer that “it serves them right” and the proverb serves as a deterrent to those who are contemplating stealing or these who have not been caught. Additionally the proverb can warn people who do evil in private to desist from such acts because these acts affect the community negatively. The proverb can be explained by the English saying, “It is the one who pays the piper that calls for the song.” Unlike Proverb 1, Proverbs 2–4, which have the same logic and speak about a faraway forest, wall and well, teach the importance of not meddling in the affairs of others to maintain the bonds of sociability in the community. Proverbs 2–4 teach people to be wary of their actions and to be prepared for the consequences. If any member of the community attempts to meddle in the affairs of others (e.g., of married couples, two friends, family members, team mates, etc.,) when those affairs do not concern them, they will have to face the consequences. Thus, as much as members of the community are dependent on one another, these proverbs teach people to keep their distance from other people’s personal affairs to avoid getting into trouble as well as to maintain peace and sociability in the community. All these proverbs teach the virtue of sociability and the need for preserving amicable relationships in the Eʋe community by avoiding anything that destroys the equilibrium of the society’s fabric. 3.3.e Selflessness and Communality In the Eʋe community, selflessness is highly cherished as a virtue that helps to establish and maintain sociability. Folk proverbs that promote sociability teach The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 121 people to avoid selfishness and to be willing to collaborate. Most of the proverbs in this category generally have the negative form; as such they reinforce rhetorically the idea that individuality or selfishness is unacceptable in the Eʋe community. Proverb 1: Ame ɖeka media ƒo be du nyo o. (Dzobo # 146). Translation 1: When one single individual has had his fill [i.e., has been satiated] he cannot say that the town is good. Proverb 2: Ame ɖeka meyina zã dona o. (Dzobo # 147). Translation 2: Night does not fall after one person has gone through or gotten there. Proverb 3: Ta ɖeka medea aɖaŋu o. (Dzobo # 76). Translation 3: One head does not go into consultation. Proverb 4: Abɔ ɖeka meléa to dzo o. (Dzobo # 178). Translation 4: One hand cannot hold [catch] a bull’s horns. Proverb 5: Ati ɖeka metua xɔ o. (Dzobo # 179). Translation 5: One pole cannot build a house (i.e. carry a roof). In the Eʋe community, when people who are selfish have eaten to their fill, they ignore the needs of those who are hungry by thinking that everybody else is as satisfied as and should be as comfortable as they are. Proverb 1 suggests that when one person has eaten to his or her satisfaction, the person must not assume that everybody else is satisfied.54 Metaphorically, this proverb teaches people not to assume that because they are fortunate all others are equally fortunate. This proverb can teach a farmer with a good harvest who assumes that all other farmers have had equal success that other farmers may not have had a good harvest and they must be considerate and not make assumptions. A person who finds a well-paid job and assumes that all other job-seekers also have good jobs or do not need work at all can also be the subject of this proverb. People who have succeeded in life like the children of wealthy families, or people with successful businesses, good teachers and students who are inconsiderate towards their less fortunate neighbors or colleagues can also be taught by this proverb that no one’s success is success until the whole community 54 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 67–68. 122 Chapter 3 succeeds. The proverb teaches people who are doing well in society to avoid assuming that all others in the society are equally successful. Proverb 2 speaks about travelers who must cross a border on foot, by road or by boat to get to other towns or villages in the Eʋe community. Since people keep crossing to the other side until night falls and visibility becomes poor, the proverb suggests that night does not fall immediately after one person has crossed over, but only after several people have done so. As Dzobo explains this proverb, people depend on the daylight to do their work and it would be selfish for anyone to wish that night should fall immediately he or she has finished the task for the day.55 Metaphorically, this proverb, like Proverb 1, suggests that one person must not claim to have control over everything that is good but rather they must be morally concerned that other people also have the right to share the good things. Proverb 3 speaks about one head that does not go into counsel. It is similar to Proverbs 1 and 2 and reflects what happens in traditional Eʋe society. When the chief and the elders, who constitute the traditional legal, council or local court have to arbitrate cases, all the members of the traditional court normally take counsel together and come up with the best solution. When the case of an evil-doer in the community comes before the traditional council, the chief does not decide the fate of the evil-doer alone but the corporate council of the chief and his elders make decisions. Similarly, when family disputes are brought before family heads, the disputes are not settled by the family head acting unilaterally, but all the elders of the family consult to bring about a peaceful settlement of the dispute. Additionally, this proverb can teach a teacher, a parent or anyone in a leadership position, who does not respect others but takes unilateral decisions, to be sociable by his or her flexibility in accepting ideas from other people in the society. Proverb 4 has the same logic as the three earlier proverbs. When a butcher wants to slaughter a bull, he does not catch and kill the bull single-handedly because the bull is very strong and could even kill the butcher. Instead, he joins hands with several other butchers to kill it. This proverb can, therefore, be used for people, who attempt to carry out very challenging tasks that need many heads and hands to accomplish it single-handedly. It teaches them to be sociable by collaborating with others for success. Proverb 5 uses the imagery of building a house with wood or poles. It also follows the act-consequence logic and has similar application contexts to the other four proverbs. The point of this proverb, like the other four, is to avoid selfishness by thinking about other people in the community and not only 55 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 67–68. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 123 about one’s own welfare. The proverb teaches people to be sociable since people are interdependent and one person cannot do everything successfully. Metaphorically, all the proverbs in this section about one person (Proverbs 1 and 2), one head (Proverb 3), one hand (Proverb 4) and one pole (Proverb 5), can be used to teach the value of sociability in dealing with the needs of others people. They advise people not to project their own good fortune or success selfishly onto others. The principle or logic behind the foregoing proverbs is vividly portrayed in Paul’s second letter to the Corinthians, where he uses the image of the human body to explain spiritual gifts. For example, every part of the body needs all the other members of the body and no part can say to the others, “I don’t need you.”56 Though these proverbs are used for teaching sociability, they can also be used to teach prudence whereby people use practical wisdom in their actions when dealing with other members of the community. A couple of other Eʋe folk proverbs, which have similar explanations and can be used as the above proverbs are: “Nunya adidoe, asi metunɛ o” (Dzobo #75). This means, “Knowledge is like the baobab (monkey bread) tree and no one person can embrace it all alone.” This proverb suggests that no one person can gather all knowledge. The other proverb, which is from my own personal experience, is similar to the words of the Poet laureate John Donne that “No man is an Island.” The Eʋe folk proverb says, “Ame ɖeka aɖeke menye ƒukpo o,” which means “No single individual is an Island.” This means no one is independent but people in community are interdependent, which is the goal of sociability. This proverb shows that “There is strength in unity” as the English saying goes, and has similar application as the foregoing Eʋe proverbs. The proverb can, therefore, be used in similar contexts.57 A proverb from Congo, which says, “A single bracelet cannot jingle”, has a similar application context as all the foregoing proverbs and stresses the virtue of sociability.58 56 57 58 See 1 Corinthians12:12ff, where Paul uses the imagery of the body to explain the idea of unity in diversity with regards to the gifts of the Spirit given to believers for the benefit of all. Here no single body part [believer] is able to perform every task of the body but every member is dependent on the other members for the proper functioning of the whole body. See www.quotationspage.com and http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb -of-the-month/32-2006proverbs/232-december-2006-proverb-qunity-is-strengthq -ganda-uganda-.html. Accessed October, 2013. This proverb speaks against individuality and promotes sociability and unity. The English saying, “Together we stand, divided we fall,” can also be used to explain these proverbs. See http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/c/congolese_proverb/83416.htm website. Accessed October, 2013. 124 Chapter 3 These proverbs promote the virtue of sociability, which involves co-­operation in society. They teach people that nothing in life is the bona fidé property of any one person. They teach the value of sociability to people who are greedy and want to have everything; the proverbs invite them to be selfless and to share what they have with others in the society. People who behave as though they have everything and can survive without the help of others can be warned by these proverbs that since they cannot manage alone they must cooperate with others. Parents who think their children are the best and boast about them, supervisors who claim to know the job better than anyone else, farmers who claim to have the best farming skills, can all be advised by these proverbs. They are warned that everyone needs the help of others. These proverbs teach that every member of society is valuable and has gifts and talents to contribute to the wellbeing of the society; thus everyone must be respected. According to Dzobo these proverbs refer to people who over-generalize due to their self-centered judgment of events. The proverbs teach people to be concerned about the moral welfare of their friends and neighbors too.59 All the proverbs in this section can be explained by the Bondei proverb, which describes “Sticks in a bundle” as “unbreakable.”60 In contrast to the above proverbs, which speak against individuality and teach the value of sociability through selflessness and caring about the wellbeing of others, the following proverb teaches a similar lesson. “Ɖetika be hame wonɔna tsɔa kpe”61 (Dzobo, # 177). This proverb means, “The cotton thread says that ‘It is only as a team that you can carry a stone’.” This proverb alludes to the art of weaving in rural Eʋe communities, where stones are used to stretch out and hold the various strands of weaving yarn or thread in place while 59 60 61 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 67–68. See www.quotationspage.com. See similar proverbs from Ghana, Benin, Togo and Nigeria, “One hand does not catch a buffalo” (see http://afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb -of-the-month/46-2010apotm/553-afpotmnov2010.html Accessed October, 2013) and “A single bracelet does not jingle” See note on page 123n58 above. (Congo); the NigeriaYoruba, “The strength of one person only does not go far” (see http://afritorial.com/the -best-72-african-wise-proverbs/ Accessed October, 2013) and “One finger does not kill a louse” (Gikuyu). See http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/k/kikuyu _proverb/177248.htm Accessed October, 2013. These proverbs can also be used to teach humility as shown above in Chapter 2. See the Bondei people’s proverb discussed above, which says, “Sticks in a bundle are unbreakable.” See http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/b/bondei_proverb/163588.htm Accessed October, 2013. This proverb teaches similar lessons and can be applied in similar contexts like the Eʋe proverbs. The Ethiopian proverb, which says, “When spider webs unite they can tie up a lion” (see http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/e/ethiopia _proverb/191890.htm Accessed October, 2013) is also similar to the proverbs analyzed above. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 125 weaving. Since the stones used are very heavy, a single strand of yarn/thread cannot hold up the large stones but the many strands of the yarn together are able to do so. Hence, instead of being concerned about “one” as in the proverbs above, the cotton tread is concerned with the success gained through teamwork. What the cotton thread says in this proverb is similar to the idea that is implicit in the English expressions, “Unity is power” or “United we stand.” Sociability is fostered by strong core values of unity and co-operation. A person who has goodwill toward a disintegrated family with rifts, quarrels, misunderstandings among its members, can use this proverb to invite the family to set aside their differences and unite as a family. A group of students or workers with grievances to present to their authorities or employers but who are divided on the major issues affecting them can be advised by this proverb. It teaches them to have a common purpose and make a concerted effort to have their grievances properly addressed. The proverb can teach married couples or two friends who are quarrelling, the value of sociability, to bury their differences and to unite for the common good of the community. All the proverbs in the foregoing sections are similar to the Cameroon proverb, which says, “Rain does not fall on one roof alone.”62 This latter proverb can also be used in similar situations like the others. 3.3.f Value of Every Member of the Community In the Eʋe community, as in other communities, every member has some value regardless of his or her social status. Even though some members are defined by their social roles as worthless, certain Eʋe proverbs offer reminders that everyone in the community has something to offer. The following four proverbs exhibit this idea. Proverb 1: Atɔe be dzosagbe hã yeanyo tsã. (Dzobo, # 184). Translation 1: The mole says it is always found useful when medicine men are about to prepare their medicines. Proverb 2: Ne naneke mele tulĩ si o hã la, ha lɔlɔ̃ ya le esi. (Dzobo, # 185). Translation 2: Even if the mosquito has nothing much to boast of, it [a least] has got a voice for humming songs. Proverb 3: Du sia du kple eƒe koklokoko. (Dzobo, # 22). Translation 3: Every country has its own way of dressing chicken. 62 http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/African_cameroon_proverbs 191869.htm. Accessed October, 2013. 126 Chapter 3 Proverb 4: Dua ɖe me gbede ʋuyɔvi wòzuna le du bubu me. (Dzobo, #23). Translation 4: The black[gold]smith in one village becomes a blacksmith’s apprentice in another village. As we have seen with many other Eʋe sayings, Proverbs 1 and 2 use animal images to communicate matters about human existence. The mole and the mosquito are considered odious because the mole stinks and the mosquito bites and gives Malaria. As such, these two creatures are considered worthless and have nothing good to offer. However, in these two proverbs, the mole and mosquito teach people that everyone has some special talent to offer. The strong stench associated with the mole makes people dislike any association with it but when the traditional priests or priestesses and herbalists are consulted to cure sicknesses that medical science cannot cure, the priests or priestesses ask their clients to bring the feces of a mole and the priests or priestesses mix the feces of the mole with the herbal preparation or concoction. The mixture, which now stinks, makes the concoction more potent. In this way the mole is proud that even though its stench is disliked by people. When the herbalist wants to prepare herbal medication or cures, the mole becomes valuable and indispensable. These sayings teach sociability by considering everyone useful to society; people should not be judged based on their outward appearances.63 Proverb 1 can be used by people who are seen by others as worthless in the community to teach people that even though they may be considered worthless, other people can send them on errands that the “normal” people will not run. Such errands include, but are not limited to, menial jobs like sanitation work, digging graves, day laborers on other people’s farms, etc., which many “normal” people will not do because they see such jobs as “dirty.” When those who do such jobs go on strike and refuse to do their jobs, their absence is strongly felt. Thus when people denigrate them they can defend themselves with these proverbs to show that the services they offer will be needed some day. These proverbs can also be used by people whose gifts or talents are not appreciated until their help is needed. Similarly, although the mosquito is tiny, bites and gives Malaria, for which the mosquito is disliked Proverb 2 suggests that the mosquito can make good music (referring to the humming sound it makes around people’s ears). These two proverbs teach people to be sociable and to associate with all other members of the community because no one is totally useless. 63 Dzobo, African Proverbs, 80. The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 127 Proverbs 3 and 4 have already been used to teach the virtue of humility in Chapter 2. However, like sociability, they are similar to Proverbs 1 and 2 in certain respects. Every town has its own way of dressing chicken (Proverb 3) can describe the various styles and ways of performing different tasks. People should not think there is only one way of doing things. Furthermore, since people have various abilities for performing various tasks, people must appreciate this and not expect everybody to have the same ability for performing tasks. As an example in Proverb 4, the expert blacksmith or goldsmith in one town becomes the apprentice of a black[gold]smith in another town. This proverb teaches people to examine every situation in the community critically. Yet the proverb also teaches people to exhibit their sociability by not overestimating or underestimating either themselves or other people. Furthermore, the proverb teaches people to avoid over-generalizing situations. Although Proverbs 3 and 4 emerge from village life contexts, they can be used to clarify aspects of city life, and aspects of the relationship between the two life contexts. In the village, there is not much development and a person with little knowledge of a trade can be well-respected or something can be hailed as celebrities. However, when such a person goes to a larger city, his or her talents are much smaller when compared to the skills of experienced traders in the city. A student with good grades in the village school may not be able to compete with a student with poor grades in the city school due to the differences in environment (e.g., availability of good teaching and learning resources). A Gikuyu proverb from Kenya, which says, “The one who milks the cow is not the same person as the one who removes (plucks off) ticks from a cow,”64 is similar to Proverb 4 and can be used in similar contexts. 3.3.g Tradition and Orderly Procedure In the Eʋe socio-cultural context roles are defined by a widely acknowledged order of traditional standards and procedures. As such, it is what tradition decides that constitutes the norm in the society. Traditional standards compared to individualism, maintain social stability and demonstrate the high value placed on communal life. This communal life is seen not only as embracing the people who are alive today, but also the community of the past or the ancestors who are called the living-dead. The following proverbs are some examples of traditional standards and orderly procedure, which teach the value of sociability among the Eʋe peoples of Southeastern Ghana, West Africa. 64 See African Proverb of the month, September 2009 used in http://www.afriprov.org/ index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/42-2009proverbofthemonth/475-sep-2009-qq -.html. Accessed October, 2013. 128 Chapter 3 Proverb 1: Xoxotɔ nu wogbea yeyetɔ ɖo. (Dzobo, # 162). Translation 1: The new is woven on to [according to the pattern of] the old.65 Proverb 2: Tababla aƒeme wòtsona. (Dzobo, # 163). Translation 2: The headgear comes from home.66 Proverb 3: Abui yome ka nɔna. (Dzobo, # 164). Translation 3: The thread always follows the needle. Proverb 4: Ami mevɔna le agãlã goe me o. (Dzobo # 165). Translation 4: There is always some fat under the shell of a crab. Proverb 5: Wɔ mevɔna le teƒo o. (Dzobo # 167). Translation 5: There is always some flour left on a millstone. In the Eʋe society, one of the major trades is kente-royal cloth weaving. The patterns that are created by the yarns and threads used for weaving kente cloth have their special names and meanings. Due to the importance attached to the names and meanings of the patterns in the kente cloth, when the weavers (mostly men) are given a work order or an assignment for production, they normally follow the older patterns in making the new pieces of kente cloth. Hence, Proverb 1 uses this image of kente cloth-weaving to teach sociability. This proverb can, therefore, be used in reference to norms and traditional patterns of behavior which keep recurring because they are cherished by society. Respect for adults by children, the training and discipline of children by the whole community, upholding acceptable social standards to promote success by avoiding antisocial behavior are all values that the community upholds from one generation to another. These are honored on an ongoing basis and are vital for the cohesion of traditional communities. Anything contrary to traditional standards and orderly procedures is frowned upon by the whole community. The cherished aspects of the society are the old patterns according to which the new patterns are woven. 65 66 Thomas G. Christensen, An African Tree of Life (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1990), 5. Christensen refers to the presentation of Jesus Christ to the Gbaya people of the Cameroon as “weaving a new mat over the old.” See the Egyptian proverb, “The cub is from that lion,” (see http://www.listofproverbs.com/ source/e/egyptian_proverb/92190.htm Accessed October, 2013) which can be used in similar contexts. This proverb can be explained by the English sayings, “Like father, like son” or “Like mother, like daughter.” The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 129 Proverb 2, like Proverb 1, is also used to teach the importance of following traditional standards which uphold the norms of the community. Proverb 2, which speaks about the headgear,67 which comes from home, refers to the scarf worn by the adult women as a sign of maturity or for being married women. The style in which the headgear is tied varies according to the occasion for which it is worn. The headgear commands respect for the adult women and as such, when the young women become adults they emulate the way adults wear the headgear by wearing their own headgears in the right way. Proverb 3 speaks about the thread which always follows the needle. This proverb has the same logic as Proverbs 1 and 2. The image employed here of a thread following the needle is easy to grasp, however, this proverb emphasizes the value of following customs laid down by the community which normally constitute the pattern on which newer ways of doing things are modeled. Along with Proverbs 1 and 2, Proverb 3 teaches the virtue of sociability, the right way of doing things. The daughters or sons whose education, marriage, business is successful, can be told this proverb to spur them on to emulate their parents’ achievements. Furthermore, the children of farmers, trades people, and professionals can be described by these proverbs if they become as successful as their parents. These proverbs can describe the lineage of a family or clan which has admirable talents to teach people that just as talents are ingrained in people’s genes, so older ways of doing things are ingrained in the fabric of society. People must be sociable by adhering to these ways of doing things. The wisdom of the elderly is still to be treasured and their advice always sought to restore amicable relationships in marital and other disputes in the community. Proverbs 4 and 5 teach the same lessons using different images like the shell of a crab, which always has some fat in it, and the mill stone which always has some flour on it. The inside of the narrow pointed edges of the crab’s shell, where the tongue or fingers are not able to penetrate when people eat crabs, have fatty residues. The mill stone is never completely free of flour from the grains that are ground on it because the stone is coarse and although most of the flour can be collected, some of the flour remains stuck between the small crevices of the stone. Proverbs 4 and 5 can, therefore, be used to teach people who shun traditional ways of doing things, that the older generation and experienced professionals in e.g., carpentry, 67 The headgear is a piece of head cloth or scarf worn by adult Eʋe women (particularly, married women). 130 Chapter 3 masonry or tailoring are valuable to the preservation of the fabric of society. These sayings about tradition also teach sociability and they seem to suggest: “This is the way we do things. This is how we have always done things. This is the way we will continue to do things.” Apart from the use of these proverbs to laud the positive achievements of those who uphold traditional ways, they can also be used to refer to negative characteristics of children or bad people who behave like their parents.68 For instance, if the children of a thief become a thief or lazy people follow in the footsteps of their parents, these proverbs can be used like the English sayings, “Like father, like son.” “Like mother, like daughter.” In general, the proverbs teach people to value the elderly as well as the norms laid down by society and their contribution to the wellbeing of the community. Dzobo holds the opinion that these proverbs can refer to the traditional practices of the past and people must develop a positive attitude by showing respect for these practices.69 If change occurs too quickly then society can be radically transformed to the point that some would argue the change might destroy society. These proverbs promote the preservation of societal norms. Another saying that can be used as in the foregoing proverbs is, “Ŋɔŋlɔ̃ mevɔna le kpɔ̃viwo ŋu o.” This proverb means “The cubs of leopards never lose their spots” because the cubs of a leopard can never be washed clean of their spots. Metaphorically, this means anything that is ingrained in the fabric of the society cannot be easily eradicated. This latter proverb is so important that at least one author has deemed it appropriate to use it for part of the title of his book on Biblical and African wisdom (proverbs).70 All the foregoing proverbs promote the virtue of sociability by teaching that no matter what other (newer) ways are learned by the members of the community, they must always do so with the ideas from traditional standards and orderly procedures of the past in mind. 3.3.h Vitality Among the Eʋe peoples, life is considered as very precious and people will go to great lengths to preserve life in the society. Hence a number of Eʋe folk 68 69 70 The proverbs can also be used derogatorily to show that evil behavior is hereditary and is transmitted from one generation to the other such that nothing can change that pattern. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 73–74. Furthermore, Dzobo explains Proverb 2 above as illustrating that the training a person receives from home shows up in the person’s public life. Children or people who are well-behaved are seen us having undergone good training from home since it is the behavior they learn at home is reflected when they go into public. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, #166, p. 74. See also Friedemann W. Golka, The Leopard’s Spots: Biblical and African Wisdom in Proverbs (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993). The Virtues of “Prudence” and “Sociability” 131 proverbs speak about the importance of life and vitality. The following are some to the proverbs that show the importance attached to life and illustrate the virtue of sociability. Proverb 1: Atadi biã hã ŋɔ le eme. (Dzobo, # 175). Translation 1: The [short red] pepper is very sharp but you find worms in it. Proverb 2: Agbitsa ɖiɖi kple eƒe ŋɔ. (Dzobo, # 182). Translation 2: Ripe garden egg and its worm are found together. Proverbs 1 and 2, which speak about worms in the short red pepper and in ripe garden eggs, both have similar applications. The short red pepper is spicy hot and sharp to the tongue, yet worms are able to infest it and survive in it. Proverb 2, which can be seen as a direct opposite to Proverb 3, refers to worms living in the ripe garden egg. The ripe garden egg, though red like the short red pepper, is not sharp or spicy hot but worms survive in it too. These two proverbs teach that conditions for survival in the community differ from situation to situation and, therefore, people must learn strategies for survival that help them adjust to their conditions. Another African proverb that can be applied in similar situations as the two proverbs above is “It grows in dry wood, yet comes to maturity.”71 This proverb can refer to the worms or insects that grow up inside faggots. In spite of the seeming unfavorable conditions in the dry wood in which they live, they are able to survive and grow to maturity. Proverb (1) can be used for a hot-tempered person who has some soft spots. Such a person’s hot temper can be likened to the spicy red-hot short pepper and the worms that live in it are the soft spots. Proverb 1 can, therefore, be used to teach people to co-exist with hot-tempered people or evil doers. In other words, as Dzobo puts it, the ripe pepper in Proverb 1 can refer to the world and its hostile forces but in spite of this, human life is preserved providentially and Dzobo explains this preservation of life in the face of hostile forces theologically as being due to trust in God.72 Proverb 2, on the other hand, can be used for a tender-hearted person, with whom people must learn to co-exist. For example, a student who has to go through difficulties to make it through school successfully can be the subject of Proverb 1. Additionally, people who suffer hardship and succeed in life can also be the subjects for this proverb. These two 71 72 See African proverb of the month, September, 1998 in http://www.afriprov.org/index .php/african-proverb-of-the-month/23-1998proverbs/135-september-1988-proverb .html. Accessed October, 2013. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 76–77. 132 Chapter 3 proverbs can be used in reference to harsh (Proverb 1) and mild (Proverb 2) conditions in life. People, who are able to cope with such conditions and to succeed, reflect the vitality that results from being sociable. Proverb 2 can also be used negatively, for a person who looks good outwardly but has a bad character. In this case, the person represents the ripe garden egg and the worms in it represent the bad characteristics that can be seen in that person. Both Proverbs 1 and 2 teach people to learn to adapt to conditions for survival in society. These proverbs can, therefore, be used to also teach the virtue of prudence. In this instance, they are used to teach vitality that comes out of being sociable in the Eʋe community. By implication, these two proverbs teach people that there are always things that can threaten their survival but they should act in ways that promote vitality. Thus in spite of the dual nature of society, people must learn to live with each other amicably. 3.4 Conclusions We have analyzed Eʋe proverbs that can be used to teach the virtue of Prudence. Prudence encourages people to apply practical wisdom, use extreme care and be meticulous in performing their duties. Proverbs that promote the virtue of Sociability, by which people’s actions and behavior patterns can either promote or disrupt the wellbeing of individuals and the entire community, were also analyzed. People who uphold the ideals of prudence and sociability (analyzed in Chapter 3) and diligence and humility (analyzed in Chapter 2), which are cherished in the Eʋe community, are rewarded with praise and succeed in their undertakings. Values which are contrary to social norms or acceptable traditional standards and procedures work against sociability and people who exhibit these values are considered as social misfits and are punished accordingly. The Eʋe folk proverbs that teach the four main virtues of diligence, humility, prudence and sociability, which we have analyzed in Chapters 2 and 3, provide us with the receiving African Ghanaian Eʋe tree of life on to which the ‘shoots’ from Israel’s tree of life in the biblical Book of Proverbs 25–29 can be ‘grafted’. In the next chapter we will juxtapose some selected biblical proverbs from Proverbs 25–29 and some selected Eʋe folk proverbs. This juxtaposition is accomplished by using the agricultural imagery to ‘graft’ ‘shoots’ of the biblical proverbial tree of life in Proverbs 25–29 on to the Eʋe folk proverbial tree of life. The tree of life is represented by a number of Eʋe folk proverbs used to produce a new and unique hybridized fruit, which blends the tastes of the two different trees of life, namely Israel’s tree of life and the African Eʋe tree of life to facilitate a better understanding and appropriation of the message of Proverbs among African Ghanaian Eʋe-speaking peoples. Chapter 4 ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 On to the African Ghanaian Eʋe Tree of Life—Eʋe Folk Proverbs 4.1 An Introduction to the Origins of the Book of Proverbs Having sketched the nature and advantages of a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ and having examined closely the deep roots and rich fruit of the African Tree of Life through a presentation and analyses of a range of Eʋe folk sayings, we will now show how ‘shoots’ from the biblical Tree of Life might be ‘grafted’ on to the Eʋe tree of life. To achieve a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’, this chapter will concentrate on sayings from Proverbs 25–29, the so-called Hezekiah collection of the Book of Proverbs. This collection is used because at first reading the similarities between these biblical sayings and the Eʋe folk proverbs make them good candidates for the ‘grafting’ process. To offer some background to the selection of these five chapters of Proverbs we will first discuss the suggested origins of the Book of Proverbs. Traditionally Solomon has been attributed as the author of the Book of Proverbs; however, the text appears to be an anthology. We have identified for a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ a clearly defined section of this anthology, namely, Proverbs 25–29. Although the sayings in this section are associated with Solomon, they are presented in the Book of Proverbs (see superscription of Proverb 25:1) as the work of the “men of Hezekiah.” If this superscription is accurate, then this section of the book (and some other sections with other superscriptions) would not be entirely the work of Solomon and would not have emerged fully till the 10th century, but rather in the 8th century bce. Critical scholars have also long questioned Solomonic authorship of Proverbs on various grounds and have tried to date the various parts of the book to different eras; most of the scholars suggest that the final form of the text emerged in the Persian period.1 Given this complexity, rather than ask about authorship and date, it is more helpful to study the origin and social location of Proverbs, especially the short, sentence sayings in Proverbs Chapters 25–29. 1 Claudia V. Camp, Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book of Proverbs. Bible and Literature 11 (Sheffield: Almond Press, 1985). © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004274471_005 134 Chapter 4 Scholars have also been engaged in a major debate over whether the sayings in the Book of Proverbs are of rural folk or elite scribal origin. André Lemaire uses archaeological findings to show the part played by schools in the composition of the Bible in ancient Israel. His evidence is too scanty to be used as concrete data to prove the existence of schools for training scribal classes in the period concerned.2 David Jameson-Drake, whose research was published a decade after Lemaire, shows that evidence of the existence of schools in ancient Israel can only be seen from the 8th century onwards when political sophistication and urbanization were very high and demanded vigorous scribal activity.3 Opposing this view are the studies by Roger Whybray and Friedemann Golka, both of whom dismiss the existence of schools in any formal sense in ancient Israel. They suggest that education in ancient Israel was less formal and less structured; education was in familial settings with scribal activity being hereditary.4 This complex debate has been schematized by Michael Fox into the categories of “Farm” and “School.”5 Some scholars locate the origins of the sayings in Proverbs in pre-literate rural folk settings, agricultural land-holders and peasants, whilst others locate the origins of Proverbs to the royal court with literary scribes as authors. The first group base their claims on the short sentence structure and form of the sayings which they believe closely resemble folk sayings in other cultures; the second group base their claims on the literary sophistication of the sayings and the elite scribal contexts required for the production of such literary work. Some in this second group have also compared Proverbs with similar material in the sophisticated literatures of Egypt and Mesopotamia, where schools for training courtiers were fully established. Others, however, who do not rely on such comparisons, insist on an elite educational context like a scribal guild in Israel.6 2 See André Lemaire, Les écoles et la formation de la Bible dans l’ancien Israel (Fribourg, Switzerland: Editions Universitaires, 1981). Lemaire’s archaeological evidence for the existence of schools in ancient Israel is too scanty to be of any significance. 3 David W. Jameson-Drake, Scribes and Schools in Monarchic Judah: A Socio-Archaeological Approach (Sheffield, uk: Almond, 1991). 4 Roger N. Whybray, The Intellectual Tradition in the Old Testament (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1974) and Friedemann W. Golka, “Die isrealittische Weisheitschule Oder ‘des Kaisers neue Kleider’” in Vetus Testamentum 33 (1983), 257–271. Both Whybray and Golka suggest that education in ancient Israel was hereditary and that instructions were either transmitted or passed on from parents to children or between apprentices. 5 Michael V. Fox, “The Social Location of the Book of Proverbs” in Texts, Temples, and Traditions: A Tribute to Menahem Haran ed. Michael V. Fox, et al. (Winona Lake, in: Eisenbrauns, 1996), 227–239. 6 Whybray, The Book of Proverbs: A Survey of Modern Study. History of Biblical Interpretation 1 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995). ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 4.2 135 “Farm” versus “School” 4.2.a “Farm” Claus Westermann, the most prominent advocate for the “farm” setting of the bulk of the proverbs in Proverbs 10–25, is interested in the original sayings, which he locates in the context of the rural pre-literate “einfachen Menschen” (“simple folk”),7 who comprise small land-holding farmers, craftsmen, laborers, slaves, and housewives in pre-exilic times. Westermann’s studies of African proverbs, especially folk proverbs of the Eʋe peoples, an agrarian community in Southeastern Ghana, is of special interest here since his study is concerned with African peoples in general and in particular the Eʋe peoples of Ghana. At the end of his studies, Westermann claims that African proverbs are thematically, comparable to or “concur with the sayings in the Book of Proverbs.”8 He illustrates this by asserting that ancient Israelite Wisdom evolved from an oral tradition of an agrarian setting and progressed logically from simple observation to become more universal in outlook. This logical progression is accomplished through the urbanization that occurred at the time and the scribes put the work into collections.9 Westermann acknowledges that original folk sayings would probably have changed when scribes put them into collections. This, however, poses a methodological problem. Critics of Westermann, among which I include myself, and of the ‘farm’ hypothesis, in general, question how Westermann can be so sure that he can strip away the scribal sections of Proverbs that were compiled by scribes in order to get to the sayings, which he 7 Claus Westermann, Roots of Wisdom: The Oldest proverbs of Israel and Other Peoples (Louisville, ky: Westminster/John Knox, 1995), 17. This book is the translation of his German work, Wurzeln der Weisheit: Die ältesten Sprüche Israels und anderer Volker (Gottingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1990), 27. Westermann attempts to sift the original folk sayings in Proverbs 10–25 from what he considers as distorted because they have been put into collections. See also Westermann, Wurzeln der Weisheit, 75. Contra Fox, “The Social Location,” 229–239 and Fox, Proverbs 1–9: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. The Anchor Bible (New York: Doubleday, 2000), 9. This work deals with several sayings in the Hebrew Bible, with a focus on their earlier folk origins but which were later attributed to scribal activity. Contra also H.D. Preuss, Einführung in die alttestamentliche Weisheit (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1987). Preuss holds to the “school” idea like von Rad and Hermisson do. 8 Westermann, Roots, 141. See also Ruth Finnegan, “Proverbs” in Oral Literature in Africa (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1970), 389–425. 9 Westermann, Roots, 1–3. See also Laurent Naré, Proverbes salomoniens et Proverbes mossi: Étude Comparative à partir d’une nouvelle analyse de Pr. 25–29. Publications Universitaires Européennes Série 23, Theologié v. 283 (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1986); Harold C. Washington, Wealth and Poverty in the Instructions of Aménémopé and the Hebrew Proverbs sbl Dissertation Series 142 (Atlanta, ga: Scholars Press, 1994). 136 Chapter 4 claims to have pre-literate origins. Put another way: “What is Westermann’s methodology for extracting the original folk sayings from the scribal version recorded in Proverbs which is the only version we have?” Friedemann Golka, a student of Westermann, also suggests folk settings as the basis for the Book of Proverbs and does not accept school settings. Like Michael Fox (see under “School” below), Golka argues that there is little evidence for a developed court scribal school in ancient Israel like those in Egypt and Mesopotamia.10 However, like Fox, Whybray and Timothy Sandoval (the latter also treated under “school”), Golka sees “education in ancient Israel as probably happening in the contexts of the household, or family, or guild, and not in a court school.” Unlike Whybray, Fox and Sandoval, however, Golka assumes that because there were no large scribal schools in Israel at the time, the material in Proverbs is close to pure folk material.11 This assumption might not be accurate since the people who were trained in the educational settings under household tutors could have become elite scribes associated with the royal court and/or an 10 11 Friedemann, W. Golka, “The Israelite Wisdom School or ‘The Emperor’s New Clothes’” in The Leopards Spots: Biblical and African Wisdom in Proverbs (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993), 4–16, 9. See Fox, “The Social Location of Proverbs,” 228–229. Here Fox argues that “the court was the decisive locus of creativity” for the ancient Israelite and Judean scribes who produced Proverbs (p. 236). See also Timothy J. Sandoval, The Discourse of Wealth and Poverty in the Book of Proverbs (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 29, 30. Here Sandoval, while focusing on the discourse on wealth and poverty in Proverbs, asserts that “Though few today would suggest the collections in Proverbs, stem from an historical Solomon, assertions that Israelite wisdom (including Proverbs) finds its provenance among the political and economic elite remain common” (p. 30). See also Brain W. Kovacs, “Is There a ClassEthic in Proverbs?” in Essays in Old Testament Ethics. Ed. James L. Crenshaw and John T. Willis (New York: ktav, 1974). Here Kovacs argues that Proverbs is the work of an “intelligentsia.” Contra Washington, Wealth and Poverty, 177, where Washington argues that “the social function of proverbs in traditional societies can be highly specialized and to an extent formalized. …in support of a judgment.” Fox, “The Social Location,” 227–236. See Sandoval, The Discourse of Wealth and Poverty, 30. See also Washington, Wealth and Poverty, 174. All three scholars think Wisdom emanated from some kind of elite scribal educational setting in royal households or circles but not in a Court or Wisdom school per se. They also give allowance for some proverbs emanating from rural folk settings. Contra Golka, The Leopard’s Spots. Golka gives no allowance for a scribal context for the material in Proverbs but allows a family setting as does Whybray, The Intellectual Tradition in the Old Testament (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter Inc., 1974). Cf., Whybray, who also sees the education in ancient Israel as hereditary and occurring in “famulus” settings. See Carole R. Fontaine, Traditional Sayings in the Old Testament. Fontaine also holds the view that an oral setting in the family is prominent in Proverbs but she too accepts the view that consequently, the wisdom in these proverbs was formulated in schools. See also Fontaine’s ethnographic work, “Proverb Performance in the Hebrew Bible,” jsot 32 (1985), 87–103. ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 137 elite scribal context. Contrary to Golka’s view that Proverbs is of mainly folk origin, Fox, Sandoval, Whybray and Harold Washington recognize in different ways that the material in the Book of Proverbs has both folk and scribal influence. As with Westermann, the question then arises: How can Golka explain the collections we now have in scribal form with which, ironically, he is doing his comparison? Was the material put together by the rural folk? If so, why does the material not favor only rural folk origins but it often favors the elite/scribal origins? Carole Fontaine, whilst accepting Westermann’s thesis, proposes that wisdom originated as oral folk sayings in the family, where instructions from parents also involved the transmission of wisdom. This makes the stance of Fontaine similar to Golka’s in emphasizing the “famulus” setting. Unlike Golka, but like the others, Fontaine makes allowances for the later formulation of the wisdom material in schools.12 We can see then that scholars who argue for a “farm” or rural folk contexts for the material in Proverbs do, to some extent, believe that scribal activity cannot be excluded. This latter point can be understood because the material we have in the Book of Proverbs is the final editorial work of scribes or people who were literate. The conclusions drawn by the scholars are based on their analyses of the final product of scribal activity. 4.2.b “School” In contrast to the scholars who argue for a “farm” or rural folk context for the material in the Book of Proverbs, Gerhard von Rad held the view that the cream of ancient Israelite wisdom was a product of the early Monarchic period, which he called the “Solomonic Enlightenment.”13 For von Rad, the Monarchic 12 13 Fontaine, “The Sage in Family and Tribe” in The Sage in Israel and the Ancient Near East. Ed. John Gammie and Leo G. Perdue (Winona Lake, in: Eisenbrauns Pub., 1990), 155–164. See also Fontaine, Traditional Sayings in the Old Testament: A Contextual Study. Bible and Litera­ ture 5 (Sheffield: Almond Press, 1982). For ideas corresponding to Fontaine’s ideas, which focus on the oral nature of a number of sayings in the Old Testament, see the early work of Otto Eissfeldt, Der Maschal im Alten Testament bzaw 24 (Giessen: Töpelmann, 1913). Gerhard von Rad, “The Beginnings of Historical Writing in Ancient Israel” in The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966), 166–204. Von Rad argued that the Solomonic “Enlightenment” was a result of Egyptian influence but this argument no longer holds. Contra Stuart Weeks, Early Israelite Wisdom (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1994). In this work, Weeks offers a strong critique against the view that the sophisticated literary work for training children of courtiers was the work of a class of professional scribes of the royal court. His view tallies with an earlier work by Brain. Kovacs, “Is There a Class-Ethic in Proverbs?” in Essays in Old Testament Ethics: J. Philip Hyatt in Memoriam, 171–189. Eds. James L. Crenshaw, Philip J. Hyatt and John T. Willis (New York: ktav Pub. House, 1974). In this article, Kovacs rejects the attribution of the sayings in Proverbs to royal scribes, who were closely related to the ruling class. Kovacs 138 Chapter 4 period was characterized by intellectual, scribal activity, which was fuelled by the resources of the glorious reign of King Solomon. He suggests that this period and its activities were influenced by and modeled on the great scribal cultures of the ancient Near East, especially Egypt. Though von Rad acknowledges the probability of the existence of early clan wisdom in Israel, he notes that it is very difficult to gain access to such wisdom and, therefore, disputes the prevalent view that the short sentence sayings in the Book of Proverbs must be “traced back to popular proverbs.”14 Hans-Jürgen Hermisson,15 like his teacher, von Rad, argues for a “Weisheitschule”16 (“Wisdom School”), which was connected with the royal 14 15 16 then argues that responsibility for the Proverbs must be assigned to those who constituted a kind of middle class. Von Rad, Wisdom in Israel (London, scm, 1972), 26. Von Rad is of the opinion that though most of Israel’s wisdom sentence sayings may have stemmed from ancient folk wisdom, other proverbs may have come from books, from foreign literatures and may have first become popular only through the medium of schools. Hans-Jürgen Hermisson, Studien zur israelitischen Spruchweisheit. wmant 28. (Neukirchen: Neukirchener Vlg., 1968), 97–136. Here Hermisson offers an extensive argument for “schools of Wisdom Literature” in Israel. See also André Lemaire, Les Écoles et la formation de la Bible dans l’ancien Israel (Freiburg: Editions Universtaires 1981) and Lemaire, “Sagasse et écoles,” in vt 34 (1984), 270–281. Lemaire’s work focuses on archaeological studies, inscriptions and fragments from places like Gezer, Lachish, Khirbet elQom, Arad, Kuntillet ‘Ajrud and others by which means he attempts to find evidence concerning the presence of schools in ancient Israel. He concludes that evidence for schools is too scant in the Bible and from archaeology to warrant their existence in ancient Israel. See also Washington, Wealth and Poverty, 36. Contra Golka, “Die israelitische Weisheitsschule Oder ‘der Kaisers neue Kleider” vt 33 (1983), 257–270. Fox, in “The Social Location,” agrees that royal court scribes were responsible for Wisdom in the Proverbs but rejects Hermisson’s idea of “schools of Wisdom literature” in the formal sense of the word. Contra also Menahem Haran, “On the Diffusion of Literacy and Schools in Ancient Israel,” Congress Volume. Ed. John A. Emerton (Jerusalem, 1986 [vt Sup. 40] (1988), 81–95. As the title of the article implies, Menahem diffuses the notion of schools and argues completely against it. See Whybray, The Intellectual Tradition in the Old Testament bzaw 135 (Berlin, 1974). In this work, Whybray sides with Fox, “The Social Location of Proverbs” on the grounds that the Bible does not point to any class of professionally wise called ḥăkāmim. Whybray, however, disagrees completely with Hermisson’s idea of “Wisdom School” for instructing courtiers in political ideology. See also Nili Shupak, “The Book of Proverbs and Wisdom Literature,” rb 94 (1987), 99–119, 104. Shupak adopts a middle ground based on the similarities of semantic terminologies in both Egyptian and biblical literatures to conclude that the Book of Proverbs too was connected to education. Hermisson, Studien zur israelitischen Spruchweisheit, 36. Hermisson argues that proverbs that are didactic by nature must derive from a cultivated didactic setting. See also Fox, ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 139 court and was also responsible for training the children of courtiers in administrative affairs. Although Hermisson also suggests the Book of Proverbs probably incorporates some oral sayings from folk contexts,17 both von Rad and Hermisson suggest that the scribes in the royal court schools created some of the sayings in Proverbs and essentially edited all of them.18 Von Rad and Hermisson base their suggestions on comparative school systems in the ancient cultures of Egypt and Mesopotamia. Fox and Sandoval, like von Rad and Hermisson, prefer to locate the sayings in Proverbs in the royal court or literary scribal contexts. However, unlike von Rad and Hermisson, Fox acknowledges a scribal educational context, but does not consider it as a “wisdom school” but rather an educational system where the types of texts relevant to the future occupations of the pupils were extensively taught. Furthermore, for Fox, since such an educational system trained pupils not only for the court or temple but also for other administrative positions,19 the scribal school might as well be called the “Magic School.”20 Sandoval and Fox hold similar views on the location of proverbs in scribal contexts. Sandoval acknowledges that it is the final product of the Book of Proverbs that should be attributed to elite scribes. To support his thesis, Sandoval argues that the form of education of the scribes should be attributed to traditional household guilds 17 18 19 20 “The Social Location,” 228. Contra Washington, Wealth and Poverty, 173. Washington argues on the contrary by pointing out that the folklore of other cultures show that the absence of didactic intent is not a fitting criterion for identifying folk sayings. Furthermore, the knowledge of the context helps to determine the didactic nature of the proverb. See also Carole Fontaine, Traditional Sayings in the Old Testament, 10–13. Contra Washington, Wealth and Poverty, 175. Hermisson, Studien zur Israelitischen Spruchweisheit. Wissenchaftliche Monographien zum alten und neuen Testament 28 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1968). Contra Fox, “The Social Location,” where Fox schematizes the debate into whether the book of Proverbs originated from elite scribal (“school”) circles or from popular folk (“farm”). Fox, “The Social Location,” 229–232, 230. Fox argues here that the royal court schools were not meant for specialized training of the children of the courtiers. See also Sandoval, The Discourse of Wealth and Poverty, 39ff, fn. 29. Sandoval here argues for the possibility that scribes in ancient Israel (probably wisdom sages hired for instructing in some kind of school setting) might have been responsible for educating members of the royal household and political elite though Proverbs nowhere unequivocally alludes to such a function as it pertains in Egyptian instruction. Sandoval concludes that “the book was written and compiled by the literati.” See also von Rad, Wisdom in Israel, 83–84 and Leo G. Perdue, Proverbs, Interpretation Bible Commentary (Louisville, ky: John Knox Press, 2000), 69. Fox, “The Social Location,” 230. 140 Chapter 4 and not to royal court schools.21 For Sandoval and Fox, many scribes in the royal court or temple p ­ robably invented some folk sayings, reworked others and recorded the collection, which they preserved as a hybrid collection in the Book of Proverbs; thus suggesting the final product is the dominant voice of scribes.22 Sandoval believes that some sayings may have originated in folk contexts and were re-worked by scribes; other sayings can be categorized as purely the creation of scribes.23 The main confusion in this debate is the relationship between schools or scribal education and the possible folk origin of the short sentence sayings in Proverbs 10:1–22:16 and 25:1–29:27. Do they originate in rural agricultural or royal court scribal contexts? Some kind of educational institution or “site” must have existed in ancient Israel (before Ben Sira makes reference to the “house of study”),24 but was it a “royal scribal school” like in Egypt and Mesopotamia25 or was it a family-based, guild education? The evidence appears to favor the latter view that Proverbs originated from family or guild-based scribal educational settings which made use of folk proverbs. Whichever is the case, an African centered ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ is less concerned with such historical arguments or their conclusions. It recognizes the oral wisdom of the rural folk within a collection that in its final 21 22 23 24 25 Sandoval, The Discourse of Wealth and Poverty, 30. Fox, “The Social Location,” 227–239. See Sandoval, The Discourse of Wealth and Poverty, 30–32. Similar to Fox and Sandoval, Whybray and Golka also argue for a form of household guild education in ancient Israel. See also Whybray, Wealth and Poverty in the Book of Proverbs JSOTSup 99 (Sheffield: jsot Press, 1990), 45 fn 1. Here Whybray points out the “virtual consensus” that Proverbs is the work of an upper class. Contra Golka, The Leopard’s Spots, 36, 68. See also Fox, “The Social Location,” 227–239, 236. See also Sandoval, The Discourse of Wealth and Poverty, 30–32, 137. See von Rad, Wisdom in Israel, 125–126. See also Hermisson, Studien zur israelitischen Spruchweisheit. Ben Sira 51:23 refers to beyt midrash but Fox sees this as not a reference to the existence of a school but rather as a “metaphor” used by Ben Sira in reference to his book. See Fox, Proverbs 1–9, 7. Here Fox suggests that since the reference is at the conclusion of the book, it is a recommendation of the book to the reader to gain wisdom “without money” (v. 25). See also André Lemaire, Les Écoles et la formation de la Bible, 84. Lemaire refers to findings from archaeological sites with representations of pupils and writing exercises but concludes that they are “très pauvre et très fragmentaire” (that is, too few and too fragmented) since they are not found only in Jerusalem, but also scattered around several sites. Fox, “The Social Location,” 229–232, 230. See Fox’s argument above from “The Social Location,” 229–232, 230. See also Sandoval’s argument above, The Discourse of Wealth and Poverty (p. 39ff, n. 29). See von Rad, Wisdom in Israel, 83–84 and Leo G. Perdue, Proverbs, Interpretation Bible Commentary (Louisville, ky: John Knox Press, 2000), 69. ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 141 analysis is the product of elite scribes. This interpretation recognizes that whatever precise ‘history’ the sayings had in the Book of Proverbs, their similarity with African proverbial discourses means that ‘shoots’ from this biblical wisdom tree of life (Book of Proverbs) can be ‘grafted’ on to the African Eʋe folk tree of life. 4.3 Juxtaposing Proverbs 25–29 and Eʋe Folk Proverbs This section juxtaposes some sayings chosen from Proverbs 25–29 and some selected African Ghanaian Eʋe folk proverbs. Using the agricultural image of ‘grafting’, appropriate ‘shoots’ from Israel’s biblical proverbial tree of life are ‘grafted’ on to the African Ghanaian Eʋe folk proverbial tree of life, which receives ‘shoots’ from the biblical proverbial tree of life. Here, the African Eʋe tree of life is represented by the four most cherished virtues of Diligence, Humility, Prudence and Sociability which I suggest is the appropriate tree on to which proverbs from the Book of Proverbs can be ‘grafted’. As an African Ghanaian Eʋe woman, a biblical scholar trained in exegesis, hermeneutics and culture and an ordained minister of Word and Sacrament I bring my ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ to this study. I intended to provide a means whereby the similarities and contrasts between Proverbs 25–29 and Eʋe folk proverbs, can help with the study of the Book of Proverbs among African peoples in general and Eʋe peoples in particular. By using images from proverbs with which the Eʋe peoples are familiar, they can easily understand the biblical message of Proverbs and are better placed to absorb the message and use them in their cultural contexts. In attempting this juxtaposition, Brent Strawn’s description of comparative approaches is relevant here: In his overview of comparative approaches in Hebrew Bible and Ancient Near East (ane) studies, Strawn asserts: Comparative methodology sets at least two (sometimes more) subjects alongside each other so as to look at them together in order to (1) identify both similarities and differences and (2) reveal aspects of the subjects that may not have been as readily seen if each was looked at in isolation.26 26 Brent A. Strawn, “Comparative Approaches: History, Theory, and the Image of God” in eds. Joel M. LeMon and Kent Harold Richards, Method Matters: Essays on the Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Honor of David L. Peterson (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2009), 117–142, 117. 142 Chapter 4 Strawn suggests that “it is possible to juxtapose historically unrelated and/or noncontiguous cultural and/or linguistic traditions.”27 This suggestion that historically unrelated or non-contiguous cultural and linguistic traditions can be possibly juxtaposed is a hermeneutic undertaking, which has a direct connection to the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ discussed in this study. Though not all readers may immediately recognize the similarities and/or differences between biblical proverbs and African Eʋe folk sayings, or see the new understandings that emerge from the grafting of the one on to the other, they are the fruit of an Eʋe woman, trained in critical Biblical Studies, who is concerned especially with the reception of the Bible in African Eʋe contexts. The consideration of the biblical and African Eʋe proverbs as ‘shoots’ and trees in this study does not rely entirely on Strawn’s definition of “comparative methodology” above.28 It attempts to use a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’, which involves not only deciphering the similarities and differences in the two completely different sets of proverbs and alluding to some aspects of both that are not immediately obvious if they were studied separately (according to Strawn), but the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ also discerns how ‘shoots’ from the biblical proverbial tree of life can be ‘grafted’ on to the African Eʋe tree of life. This ‘grafting’ is applied in a way that the encounter between the Bible and contemporary African Eʋe readers and listeners remains more distinctly African and promotes genuine, new forms of understanding, whilst noting that the two are “historically unrelated and/or noncontiguous cultural and/or linguistic traditions.”29 We present below an attempt to ‘graft’ some proverbial ‘shoots’ from Proverbs 25–29 on to the African Eʋe proverbial tree of life. The choice of ‘shoots’ from this section of Proverbs depends, not only on it being a discreet or systematic collection of proverbs, but it is also based on the similarity of these proverbs to the folk proverbs in the Eʋe cultural context. The proverbs in Proverbs 25–29 are short sayings uttered by the sages of Israel, who make concrete observations about life, similar to Eʋe folk proverbs. Although biblical proverbs, in general sometimes also show marked contrasts or differences, these differences are fewer in Proverbs 25–29. There are many virtues, diverse 27 28 29 Strawn, “Comparative Approaches,” 117. Strawn, “Comparative Approaches,” 117. Strawn asserts further that “comparison seems to be the default disposition, perhaps, the most foundational of all methods” and that it is “evidently not a choice but a requirement (p. 118). Strawn, “Comparative Approaches,” 117. See also the work of Constatin Neagreanu, “Some aspects of Comparative Paremiological Research in Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 5; eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski (Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1988), 159–166. ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 143 themes, images or figures, in some of these biblical wisdom ‘shoots’ that are very similar to or different from those in the Eʋe proverbial tree of life. Thus the sayings or ‘shoots’ from Proverbs appear ripe for ‘grafting’ on to the Eʋe folk proverbial tree. The exercise of ‘grafting’ some of the “sentence” proverbs in Proverbs 25–29 on to selected Eʋe folk proverbs is organized around the four main virtues of Diligence, Humility, Prudence and Sociability, which as we have seen in Chapters 2 and 3, are central to Eʋe morality and culture. In addition to using a variety of images and figures and/or forms similar to Eʋe sayings, the biblical Proverbs share similar concerns with the Eʋe by dealing with fundamental values. This, concern, more than any other feature of the two sets of proverbs (form, imagery, etc.) is the most significant trigger which suggests that a ‘grafting’ of the biblical ‘shoots’ on to the African tree of life might not only be possible but it is also very valuable. Since the aim is to ‘graft’ the biblical material on to the Eʋe tree of life, this chapter does not analyze every single proverb in Proverbs 25–29, but we will only analyze those ‘shoots’ that are ripe for ‘grafting’. The Eʋe proverbs have already been explained in Chapters 2 and 3, so no further detailed explanations are offered for them in this chapter except where it is needed for clarity. 4.4 The Virtue of Diligence—kutrikuku As we have shown in Chapter 2, the virtue of diligence is expressed in a ­number of Eʋe folk proverbs. Some of these proverbs use images, which warn about the vices of laziness and procrastination, while others teach the virtue of diligence, determination and perseverance. The proverbs which teach diligence also implicitly address other virtues, e.g., persistence, zealousness, decisiveness, work ethic, steadfastness, fortitude and integrity, to name a few. For the Eʋe peoples, the virtue of Diligence is concerned with pains-taking toil through strenuous processes which can be compared with ‘dying’ (metaphorically) in order to achieve a worthwhile aim in life. Thus, the Eʋe folk proverbs that teach diligence encourage their listeners to be determined and focused in the performance of tasks and not to be negligent in their duties. Similarly, several sayings from Proverbs 25–29 teach diligence by using proverbs that use the imagery of laziness and procrastination to deplore the lack of diligence. The biblical sayings use rhetoric that exhibits act-­consequence logic to teach people that laziness and a lack of diligence bring poverty and negative results whereas industry, determination, a work ethic and focus result in success and a good life. The sayings about laziness and poverty (see Section 2.5.c 144 Chapter 4 above), acts and their resulting consequences (Section 2.5.d), perseverance and determination that spell success (Section 2.5.e) and diligence portrayed by the order of relationships (Section 2.5.f), all common in Eʋe proverbial lore, can also be found in sayings in Proverbs 25–29. Before analyzing the biblical ‘shoots’ for ‘grafting’ on to the Eʋe folk proverbial tree, a few observations about the characteristics of these two sets of proverbs need to be made here. The Eʋe folk proverbs can be mostly attributed to rural folk contexts, the sayings from Proverbs 25–29, in their final form fit scribal contexts. Nevertheless, the Eʋe folk proverbs can also be applied in sophisticated contexts as has been shown in Chapters 2 and 3, as the sayings in Proverbs can also be applied to rural folk types of contexts as will be shown in this chapter. Secondly, a peculiar characteristic of Eʋe folk proverbs, which Proverbs 25–29 does not have, is that the former uses negative “o” to end sayings for rhetorically emphasizing the moral lesson or virtue taught in the Eʋe sayings, which is not found in the Book of Proverbs. 4.4.a Proverbs’ ‘Shoots’ Promoting Diligence Proverbs 26:13–16, for instance, is a cluster of proverbs that chastise the lazy and promote diligence. Although the clustering of these lines suggest some intentional scribal editorial arrangement—perhaps triggered by the term (עצלlazy), which is common to all of them—the vivid images used to illustrate the character of the lazy person are common to folk sayings. Many sayings in Proverbs are neatly paralleled two lines—usually considered to be the literary style of learned scribes—the sayings which follow do not have this form and they are more like one line folk sayings. This characteristic of folk sayings used in Proverbs makes it easy to apply in similar folk performance contexts. Yet whatever the context these proverbs provide a picture of gross neglect and lack of diligence thus teaching people to avoid laziness and be diligent and discreet in their actions. אמר עצל שחל בדרך ארי בין הרחבות The lazy person says, “There is a lion in the road! There is a lion in the streets!” (Proverb 26:13). הדלת תסוב על־צירה ועצל על־מטתו As a door turns on its hinges, so does a lazy person in bed (Proverb 26:14). טמן עצל ידו בצלחת נלאה להשיבה אלפיו ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 145 The lazy person buries a hand in the dish, and is too tired to bring it back to the mouth (Proverb 26:15) חכם עצל בעיניו משבעה משיבי טעם The lazy person is wiser in self-esteem than seven who can answer discreetly30 (Proverb 26:16) Proverbs 26:13–16 refer to what the lazy person does, and thinks. Verse 13 has the form of a report about the lazy person, whose fear or hallucination about a non-existent lion “on the road and in the streets,” prevents him or her from risking ‘getting out there’, and doing something beneficial. Verse 14 likens the lazy person to a door turning on its hinges. This image gives the idea of a situation which does not improve but remains static or the same,31 just as a lazy person, who farms at the side of the foot path displays his or her weakness, as shown in the Eʋe proverb analyzed in Section 2.5.c; similarly, the lazy person who leaves his farm untended makes snakes take over and make it their breeding place in the Eʋe saying, which was also analyzed in Section 2.5.c. Verse 15 projects the lazy person as too lazy to carry out a simple activity like eating, which is helpful to him or herself. The lack of diligence in this proverb is similar to the implicit idea in the Eʋe proverb about the dog whose master is timid and so cannot hunt (analyzed in Section 2.5.d). The dog owner is too timid and lacks boldness to be a role model for his dog. The dog also fails in its duty to be a good hunter. Fox is probably right in describing the image of the person who is too lazy to take his or her hand out of a bowl of food, “as a hyperbole showing the epitome of laziness,” which poses the risk of starvation to the person.32 In Proverbs 26:16, the lazy person considers him or herself wiser than seven people who speak discreetly. This shows both a lack of diligence and of humility by lazy people who see themselves as wiser than everybody else in spite of a hopeless condition. The idea in this proverb can be compared to an Eʋe 30 31 32 This Proverb is comparable to Prov. 26:12, which states that “If you see a man who thinks himself wise, there is more hope for a fool than for him.” By implication the lazy person who thinks he is wiser than seven who can answer discretely is equivalent to a fool “who thinks himself wise” and there is no hope for either of them. See Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 798. Here Fox comments that “the door turns but the lazy man [person] stays put rather than going out to work” or the lazy “does not move.” See also Robert Alter, The Art of Biblical Poetry (New York: Basic Books, 1985), 177. Alter likens the lazy person to a couple of things: as a door turning on its hinges, “the sluggard turns over in his bed without going anywhere,” and “he [the sluggard] is just a senseless slab of inert matter.” Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 798. 146 Chapter 4 ­ roverb from personal observation which speaks about the squirrel. This Eʋe p proverb says, “Adɔ nyanu kaka gake gamɔvuvue ɖe nɛ” and means, “Though the squirrel is very wise, it is normally caught in a torn trap.” This Eʋe proverb can also be applied as a warning against pride and a lack of humility on the part of the lazy person and the seemingly “wise” squirrel. There are a number of other proverbs that also deal with the theme of laziness and diligence but which use act and consequence logic. Proverb 28:19b, for instance, also deals with laziness and can teach the virtue of diligence. However, it is different from the previous set of sayings in that it does not use the term “lazy” but rather applies clear act-consequence logic like the others. עבד אדמתו ישבעלחם ומרדף רקים ישבעריש The one who works his land will be sated with bread, but the one who pursues vanities will be sated with poverty (Proverb 28:19). Here the “one who tills or works his land” is placed in antithesis to the “one who pursues vanities.” While the former “will be satisfied with bread” as a result of diligent work, the latter “will be sated with poverty,” which is the result of laziness. Sandoval appropriately observes that this proverb (28:19), which belongs to the “the lazy/diligent sayings” in the Book of Proverbs, “might be said to be based on the sages’ observation of the social world.”33 With the observation of the social world from personal experience of the Ghanaian Eʋe cultural context, this proverb is comparable to the Eʋe proverb, which translates as “It is the jaw that eats that is seen moving,” which was analyzed in Section 3.3.d. Explicit in the biblical proverb and implied in the Eʋe sayings is the suggestion that the virtue of diligence, sociability and responsible work ethic provide fulfillment and good life with a subtle condemnation of the pursuit of vanities which brings poverty and does not promote the good life. Fox asserts correctly that this proverb “praises industry in work.”34 In contrast to the proverbs that deal with the negative figure of the lazy person and the lack of diligence are proverbs that deal positively with industry and diligence. A good example is Proverb 27:18, a saying that also employs act-consequence logic. נצר תאנה יאכל פריה ושמר אדניו יכבד 33 34 Sandoval, The Discourse of Wealth and Poverty, 136. See also von Rad, Wisdom in Israel, 125; Westermann, Roots, 19. Cf., Proverbs 28:20 and 22, where ill-gotten wealth dwindles but the diligent person gathers “little by little.” See Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 828. See also Proverbs 12:11. ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 147 He who tends a fig tree will enjoy its fruit and he who cares for his master will be honored (Proverb 27:18). This proverb is similar to Proverb 28:19, which stresses the virtue of diligence exhibited through hard work. The proverb uses act-consequence logic and employs synonymous parallelism to show that “tending a fig tree” aligns with “taking care of one’s master,” the result of which is “eating the fruit of the fig tree,” which aligns with “being honored,” respectively. According to Fox, the images in Proverb 27:18 represent “the epitome of painstaking labor.”35 Fox’s idea tallies with the Eʋe translation of diligence, as “kutrikuku,” which literally, means, “dying a massy or thick death” or straining one’s self to the point of “dying,” though this “dying” is not literal but metaphorical. In this context, diligence can be expressed by the English phrase “Do and die” or “Do or die,” to refer to working relentlessly against all odds in order to succeed. The use of agricultural images in the first part of each of these proverbs, 28:19 and 27:18, on the one hand, makes them sound like folk proverbs and provides a hint about their probable origin or context. Though this may not necessarily be so, this characteristic makes the proverbs candidate ‘shoots’ for ‘grafting’ on to the Eʋe tree of life. On the other hand, the use of specific activities, “like pursuing vanity” and “caring for masters,” which point to economic or power concerns, in the second part of each of these proverbs, points to probable scribal contexts. As such, whether the images used in the proverbs have rural or scribal origins, which can be an assumption that may not necessarily be accurate, they teach the virtue of diligence in every undertaking. In either case, an African centered ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ ‘hears’ the folk wisdom and can ‘graft’ the biblical ‘shoot’ on to the full grown African tree of life. Proverbs 28:19 and 27:18 can be compared with the Eʋe folk proverbs in Chapter 2, Section 2.5.e under “Diligence: Determination and Perseverance Spell Success,” which teach people to be determined and to persevere in performing tasks successfully. Proverbs 28:19 and 27:18 can also be compared to the Eʋe proverb “Hotakpotɔ meɖua nu tea hokatɔ o,”36 meaning, “The person 35 36 Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 812. According to Fox, the requirement of notching every fig to enable it ripen, is a demanding business. This “demanding business” is a matter of extreme diligence. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 52. See also the treatment of the Eʋe proverbs in Chapter Two Section 2.5.f., which speak about acts and their resulting consequences. The proverb can be explained by another Eʋe folk proverb from my personal experience, which says, “Miasie klɔa ɖusi eye ɖusi hã klɔa miasi,” which means, “The left hand washes the right hand and the right hand also washes the left. Both proverbs fit in with the virtue of “­diligence” showing that acts and their consequences go together such that diligence pays off while lack of diligence profits nothing. 148 Chapter 4 who is semi-affluent does not refuse to give to the one who is affluent indeed,” which was analyzed in Section 3.3.b above. As in the biblical proverbs, a servant who does not care for his master is not honored so in the Eʋe proverb the diligent semi-affluent should be in the position to assist a truly affluent person, who is in need, so that when circumstances turn around the semi-affluent can also be helped by the truly affluent. Apart from teaching the virtue of diligence, this Eʋe folk proverb (as well as the biblical saying) can also be used to teach sociability, whereby people are expected to help each other in the society. This analysis presents Proverbs 28:19 and 27:18 as concerned with the lazy and the diligent antithetically. Similarly, the semi-affluent person in the Eʋe saying can be likened to the diligent person, who tends a fig tree and takes care of his master, because he or she is not lazy and so is able to eat the fruits of the fig tree and to be honored by his master, respectively just as the semi-affluent, who helps the truly affluent, who is in need can also be helped by the truly affluent when the need arises. Both sayings from Proverbs and the Eʋe proverbs follow the act-consequence logic and show that diligence is rewarded by fulfillment while lack of diligence is rewarded with nothing but has negative consequences. Proverbs 25:4–5 are two other verses from the Hezekiah collection of Proverbs that employ act-consequence logic to teach diligence. Again, the juxtaposition of these two sayings suggests scribal activity. But the images of at least v. 4 would also be widely known and understood in a non-elite context. Although the royal imagery in v. 5, might suggest the court as the origin of this saying, this is not assured. Peasants of course know about the power and possible corruption of kings.37 Indeed, the sort of diligence employed in both proverbs is appropriate to an ancient agriculturally based as well as scribal community. הגו סיגים מכסף ויצא לצרף כלי Take away the dross from the silver, and the smith has material for a vessel (Proverb 25:4). הגו רשע לפנימלך ויכון בצדק כסאו 37 What’s more the nature of kingship in say, 8th century Israel and Judah, likely was not what many European and North American readers might initially think. These small citystate kingdoms would have been perhaps, closer to chiefdoms rather than to the monarchies of early modern Europe. ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 149 Take away the wicked from the presence of the king, and his throne will be established in righteousness (Proverb 24:5). These two sayings from Proverb 25:4 and 5 speak about getting rid of certain negative elements in order to have good results. For example, in Proverb 25:4, the “dross,” must be removed to leave “silver” for the smith to produce a vessel (v. 4). Similarly, in v. 5, “wicked” people must be removed from the king’s presence, for the king’s “throne” to be “established.” These sayings can be compared with a couple of Eʋe proverbs, treated in Chapter 2, Section 2.5.d. The first from personal experience refers to “a rotten yam that removes itself from the rope” used to tie it together with other yams. The second saying, speaks about “the mute chief,” whose town, or “chiefdom falls,” which was also analyzed in Section 2.5.d above. The dross that must be removed from the silver (Proverb 25:4) compares with the “rotten yam” that “removes itself from the rope” in the Eʋe proverb and the silver that appears for the smith to work with compares with what is implicit in the Eʋe proverb, the “good yam” that remains in the rope with the other good yams. Similarly, Proverb 25:5 can be compared and also contrasted with the “mute chief” in the second Eʋe proverb. Whereas it is the wicked that must be removed from the king’s presence for his throne to be established in Proverb 25:5, in contrast, the “mute chief,” whose “town/chiefdom” is destroyed, is the cause of the fall of his own chiefdom in the Eʋe proverb. By implication, the “muteness” of the chief must be removed (i.e., he must be “unmuted”) so that his chiefdom will stand and not fall. This comparison finds expression in Fox’s conclusion that it is the king who is being told “to compare himself to the smith and give thought to his duty to forge a just society.”38 Fox’s idea is apt here, since in both Proverbs 25:4 and 25:5 and the Eʋe folk proverb, the Eʋe chief and the king in Proverbs have very important roles 38 Fox, Proverbs 10–31 A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. Vol. 18B (New Haven, London: The Anchor Yale Bible, Yale Univ. Press, 2009), 779. See also Raymond C. Van Leeuwen, Context and Meaning in Proverbs 25–27 sblds 96 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988). In this work, Leeuwen does a comprehensive study of the context and probable meanings of Proverbs 25–27. See also Leeuwen’s article “A Technical Metallurgical Use of yṣ” in zaw 98 (1986c), 112–113. In this article, Leeuwen proposes that the expression “comes forth,” which is used in reference to the vessel that emanates from the refined ore, is a “metallurgical” term, which describes the smelting process and argues that the transition from molten metal to the refined vessel leaves a gap in the process between refinement and the final production of the vessel (p. 113). See also William McKane, Proverbs: A New Approach. Old Testament Library (Philadelphia, pa: Westminster Press, 1970), 628–629. McKane considers the ruler in Proverbs 28:15, to be like the roaring lion at whose mercy are the poor; McKane also sees the image in vv. 3 and 16 as a “consequence of the careful observation of misrule and its effects.” 150 Chapter 4 to ensure the wellbeing in their rule. One must rid himself of “muteness” over issues that destroy his town or chiefdom in the Eʋe proverb, the other must rid his kingdom of bad nuts (wicked people) to establish his throne. 4.4.b Grafting Conclusions The proverbs analyzed above use act-consequence logic to condemn laziness and lack of diligence and teach diligence and a proper work ethic. Though they can be understood literally, they mostly warn people against negative character traits, e.g., laziness and mediocrity which are a result of lack of diligence. They encourage people to make the most of whatever they have to be successful. These proverbs can be applied to parents, people in leadership or authority, children, professionals and anyone who discharges or fails to discharge their duties properly. Parents who do not restrain the bad habits of their children, leaders who are not worried by bad applications of the law and children who fail to make the most out of their time before they grow up, can all be subjects of these proverbs. Since the proverbs paint pictures of gross neglect and lack of diligence, they teach people to avoid laziness and be diligent and discreet in their actions. A student who fails to work yet complains about teachers can be the subject of these proverbs. Such a student can be likened to the lazy farmer whose farm is a “breeding place for snakes.” Similarly, someone who complains about how bad others are can never form a relationship of any kind, friendship or marriage. Someone who hallucinates and is afraid of non-existent terror at school or work and refuses to apply themselves to diligent work can be the subject of this proverb group. Equally, anyone who does not have the talents of which they boast is comparable to a fool who lacks diligence. Every aspect of life left unattended which deteriorates into something undesirable can be attributed to a lack of diligence whilst every aspect of life that promotes a good life can be attributed to diligence. Thus we have seen that the ‘shoots’, cuttings from Proverbs (the biblical tree of life) are appropriate to be ‘grafted’ on to the African Ghanaian Eʋe tree of life. 4.5 The Virtue of Humility—ðokuibɔbɔ As we saw in Chapter 2, Section 2, the virtue of Humility, involves “bending down,” “lowering,” “abasing,” or “exhibiting meekness.” It also involves selflessness, respectfulness, self-examination, courage, making sacrifices in the face of difficult tasks, giving credit where credit is due, faithfulness and a lack of false pride. Humility involves awareness or consciousness of the defects or shortcomings which prevent a person from being proud or self-assertive; it ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 151 encourages modesty, lowly mindedness, reduces arrogance and selfdependence by promoting meekness and submission which is often used reflexively in reference to the divine.39 This virtue, highly cherished among the Eʋe peoples who use a number of folk proverbs to teach humility, is also the theme of many sayings from Proverbs 25–29. 4.5.a Proverbs’ ‘Shoots’ Promoting Humility Both Eʋe proverbs and a number of sayings from Proverbs 25–29 teach the virtue of humility using similar (but sometimes different) images. The Eʋe proverbs mainly use images of young children, young animals and other small things as well as agricultural imagery, body parts etc., to teach adults and children to be conscious of their abilities and capabilities. A major difference between the Eʋe proverbs and the sayings from the Hezekiah collection is that while the former uses animal images to teach virtues affecting human beings; the latter do not use this aspect; in Proverbs other themes and images, e.g., from nature or political life are used to teach the virtue of humility. Consider first, Proverb 25:14. נשיאים ורוח וגשם אין איש מתהלל במתתשקר Like clouds and wind without rain is one, who boasts of a gift (that is) never given (Proverb 25:14). This proverb is a simple metaphor which compares the “one who boasts of a gift never given” to “much cloud with wind but no rain.” According to Fox, this proverb refers to what precedes autumn rains in Israel where clouds and humidity in the summer bring no rain.40 The person who makes promises but does not keep them is likened to these natural phenomena. A further point of consideration of Proverb 25:14 is Fox’s insight of this verse. He explains the word neśi’im, as a homonym meaning “princes,” and suggests that the word “creates a pungent pun” since the line can also read as “Princes with winds but no rain.” Fox is so confident about this because for him there are princes full of 39 40 See R.E.C. Browne, “Humility” in A Dictionary of Christian Ethics, ed. John Macquarrie (London, scm Press Ltd., 1967), 159–160. Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 784. Fox describes “the posturer” as “full of wind” and refers to Bildad’s description of the words of Job’s mouth as “a mighty [great] wind” (Job 8:2). See also McKane’s scathing condemnation of the person of this character as “a man of straw rather than steel” and the “eternal poseur, whose projected beneficence is as insubstantial as a bubble (šeqer), and whose affection of generosity is a form of playing to the gallery and of egotistical inflation” and that in the end “after all his fair promises, nothing happens” (Proverbs: A New Approach, 586). 152 Chapter 4 hot air who never give what they promise.41 If Fox’s point above can be taken factually a potential performance context for this proverb, not necessarily folk in context in the Eʋe community can be with reference to politicians who come from a rural community but live in big cities. They come making campaign promises to the people of their community hoping to get their votes. However, when voted into power by the people they fail to honor their campaign promises and hardly visit the community to show appreciation to the people for their election support. In a more folk-like real performance context, this proverb can be used for a person who claims to possess extra-ordinary magical powers or cures for incurable diseases, telling patients to expect medication from a distant country which never arrive. Anyone who attempts to do things beyond their abilities can be taught humility by these proverbs. An apprentice who boasts about abilities which are better than his mentor but who fails to accomplish the task; the proverb teaches humility; he must not claim what he cannot do in reality. “Much wind with cloud” represents the promise made; failure to honor the promise represents the “gift that is never given,” which constitutes “no rain.” The proverb is comparable to the Eʋe folk proverbs under Section 2.6.a in Chapter 2, where children are taught to be humble and not to take on that which they are not capable of doing. An example is the proverb “Ɖevi ka akplẽ gã mekaa nya gã o,” meaning, “A child can swallow a big morsel of cornmeal food but cannot swallow big matters” (analyzed in Section 2.6.a). A child can perform simple tasks like swallowing some extraordinarily large amount of food but there are certain things that a child is prohibited from doing or saying. Metaphorically, a child can do certain things but must not divulge secrets or dare to challenge those who have more experience than they have in certain areas of life due to the inability of children or those who lack such experience to defend themselves when their actions get them into big trouble. Proverb 25:14 can, probably, be used in a similar context as this and the other Eʋe proverbs in Section 2.6.a. As such, Proverb 25:14 is a good ‘shoot’ that can be ‘grafted’ on to the African tree of life. Another biblical saying used to teach the virtue of humility is Proverb 25:15. :בארך אפים יפתה קצין ולשון רכה תשברגרם 41 Fox, Proverbs 10–31, p. 784. The meaning provided by Fox here can be applied to the Eʋe context too, where some authority figures use their power to elicit things from their subjects without honoring the promises they make to their subjects. Or where people make empty bluffs but are not able to deliver the goods. ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 153 With patience a ruler may be persuaded, and a soft tongue can break bones (Proverb 25:15). This proverb provides a couple of provocative images: “persuading a king with patience” and “breaking bones with a soft tongue.” The first image in this verse is the same as the image in an Eʋe folk proverb from personal experience, which reads, “Dzigbɔɖi wotsɔ xɔanu le fia si.” This proverb means, “To receive something from the king, you must exercise patience.” However, the second image of “breaking bones with a soft tongue,”42 concerns the importance of humble behavior in dealing not only with royalty but also with anyone in authority. Proverb 25:15 (cf., 15:1) and the above Eʋe proverb teach the virtue of humility and decorum in speech, through the choice of appropriate words and self-composure particularly when dealing with royalty or authority figures. Fox in his analysis of this proverb, suggests that a “stubborn official is not merely persuaded by gentle words, but is broken, defeated”43 by them. These proverbs can be used for situations in the royal court and many scholars have suggested that the sayings find their origins in that context but this may not necessarily be the case. When the anger of a king is incurred, it takes patience, tact and persuasion on the part of the “offending” courtier to appease it. Golka uses a couple of similar African folk proverbs to suggest that a rural agricultural setting is more likely for the sayings in the Book of Proverbs that use royal imagery and not a school or royal court setting: (1) “The sovereign is like fire: if you go far off, you get cold, and if you come near, you get burned” and (2) “Do not open the mouth of the roaring bull.” Golka explains the second proverb as the command, “Do not speak with an angry chief.” According to Golka, these proverbs are “a trivial warning for civil servants, but a matter of death for ordinary people.”44 Furthermore, Golka uses these proverbs to “describe the little man’s or person’s fear of the chief (Mal, 1399).45 Despite Golka’s explanation, these proverbs can be applicable also to the fear not only of the sovereign but also of anyone in authority, by all and sundry. 42 43 44 45 See Proverbs 15:1, which says, “A soft answer turns away wrath.” This proverb is outside of the chosen chapters 25–29, but it can be used to explain the image of a “soft tongue breaking bones.” See also Qoheleth 10:4, “If the ruler’s temper rises against you, do not abandon your position, because composure allays great offenses” (nas). Proverbs 12:18; 15:4, 18; 16:24 also speak about patience [humility] in speech. Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 784. Friedemann W. Golka, The Leopard’s Spots: (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993), 19. Golka takes these proverbs from among the Ton (pp. 130, 255). Golka, The Leopard’s Spots, p. 255. 154 Chapter 4 Other biblical proverbs that teach humility include Proverb 27:1–2. Again the juxtaposition of these two verses suggests scribal work, but they can also easily be considered as folk sayings, especially when they are read in light of Eʋe proverbs. אלתהלל ביום מחר כי לאתדע מהילד יום Do not boast of tomorrow, for you do not know what the day will bring (Proverb 27:1–2). יהללך זר ולאפיך נכרי ואלשפתיך Let the mouth of another praise you, not yours, the lips of a stranger, not your own. Proverb 27:1 and 2 compare with the Eʋe folk proverbs in Section 2.6.g in Chapter 2 and also teach the virtue of humility. Proverb 27:1 warns people against boasting about the future which is unknown or unpredictable. Anyone who speaks too confidently about the future can be seen as boasting about tomorrow without knowing what it will bring. Proverb 27:2 employs almost the same images as the Eʋe proverb, “Dze mekafua eɖokui o,” meaning, “Salt (or the flute) does not praise itself.” This proverb teaches humility so that people should not ‘blow their own horns’ or boast about their accomplishments but allow ­others to do so.46 The Eʋe proverb suggests that though salt savors and preserves and a flute plays good music, neither of them boasts about their abilities to do what they are capable of doing. Metaphorically, this proverb teaches people to be humble and not to be proud about the abilities they possess. Fox, in discussing this proverb, states that one should not “trust in one’s own powers rather than in God’s” and that Proverb 27:1 implies that “you should not delay in doing what needs to be done today, for you do not know what may happen to prevent it.”47 In his discussion of verse 2, Fox uses the word “stranger,” which sounds a little awkward since a stranger may not know a person well enough to sing the person’s praise. Fox’s comment that “praise by one’s acquaintances are the most valued kind” seems more appropriate here than a “stranger’s praise,” which is used in the 46 47 An Egyptian proverb, which says, “Cover your candle, it will light more,” can also be deployed in similar contexts as Proverb 27:2 and can be explained by the English saying, “Actions speak louder than words.” Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 802–803. In a further explanation, which serves my purpose here, Fox asserts that “such maxims teach humility but also preparedness for different eventualities.” See also the teaching of Qoh. 11:1–6. ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 155 proverb above (Proverb 27:2). Fox also identifies a sub-virtue of humility—modesty—which he considers as “a tactful as well as moral virtue, because others are more likely to speak of a person’s virtue and accomplishments if he or she is silent on them.”48 Those who observe a person’s good works tend to praise the person if the person is humble and does not boast about them. Conversely, those who boast about their achievements will probably not be liked by others who might see them as people who are proud and lack humility. Proverb 25:6–7, another set of proverbs often thought best applicable to courtiers or scribes in the royal apparatus, also teaches humility in ways that rural people would recognize and understand. אלתתהדר לפנימלך ובמקום גדלים אלתעמד Do not put yourself forward in the king’s presence or stand in the place of the great (Proverb 25:6). כי טוב אמרלך עלה הנה מהשפילך לפני נדיב אשר ראו עיניך For it is better to be told, “Come up here,” than to be put lower in the presence of a noble (Proverb 25:7). Proverb 25:6 and 7 can be used in teaching the virtue of humility. In these proverbs, people are warned to refrain from raising themselves high in the presence of the king but rather to adopt a lowly profile so they would be raised higher. These proverbs compare with the Eʋe folk proverbs in Chapter 2, Section 2.6.a–c. The proverbs in this section refer to children, young animals and other immature beings, who attempt to perform adult tasks or difficult tasks prematurely. The person who puts him or herself forward before the king or stands in the place of the great lacks humility; they are told these proverbs to teach them the value of humility. These proverbs teach people to avoid dangerous situations and can be used to settle delicate issues, which require humility, patience and tact. They can be employed in a legal context, a family setting (parents and children, older and younger siblings), heads of institutions and employees and whenever issues of class or status are concerned. The proverbs teach those of lower status or class to be humble and tactful in dealing with their superiors. These proverbs can also be understood metaphorically where people are required to be quiet or humble about their accomplishments and good deeds 48 Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 803. See also Proverb 29:23, “He [she] whose spirit is humble will hold honor.” 156 Chapter 4 so that observers who notice the deeds will praise them. The proverbs teach people who are always seeking positions of honor, to be humble to avoid being disgraced or dishonored. Conversely, a person who is humble and is admired in society can be compared to the one who does not put himself or herself forward before the king and is asked to come up higher. An unmarried young person who boasts about how well-behaved his or her children will be or how beautiful his or her marriage will be can be taught by Proverb 25:6 to learn to be humble and wait till these things happen before talking about them. Inexperienced people who dare to challenge more experienced people or those in authority can be told not to put themselves forward in the presence of the king. When they are rebuked for their lack of humility, they can be described as people who have been “put lower in the king’s presence.” An English equivalent for Proverb 27:1 will be, “Do not count your chicks before they are hatched.” The above proverbs teach the value of humility and prudence which require some amount of practical wisdom and caution. 4.5.b Grafting Conclusions The above proverbs demonstrate how the biblical proverbs teach the virtue of humility in comparison with Eʋe folk proverbs which teach the similar virtue. The similarity between the two sets of proverbs paves the way for a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ in which images from the African Eʋe cultural context are applied to understand the biblical text in such a way that ‘shoots’ from the biblical text can be ‘grafted’ on to the African Eʋe tree of life. 4.6 The Virtue of Prudence—ŋuđɔđɔđo As has been shown in Chapter 3 (3.2), Aristotle defines phronesis, “prudence,” as “a truth-attaining rational quality, concerned with action in relation to things that are good and bad for human beings.”49 Lawrence Becker and Charlotte Becker also describe “prudence” as “moral Wisdom resulting in morally correct choices and actions.”50 They also regard “prudence” (primarily phronesis), as “practical moral intelligence” “related to other moral values and ingrained 49 50 Aristotle XIX The Nicomachean Ethics: With an English Translation by Harris Rackham (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press and London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1968), 337, 339. This source compares “Prudence” with “Practical Wisdom” and details that while we can speak of “excellence in Art,” we cannot speak of “excellence in Prudence” because it is clear that “Prudence is an excellence of virtue and not an Art.” Lawrence C. Becker and Charlotte B. Becker, eds., “Prudence” in Encyclopedia of Ethics Vol. 3 P–W Indexes (New York: Routledge, 2001), 1214–1215, 1214. ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 157 dispositions to act rightly” in accordance with “developed practice.”51 These definitions of prudence are similar to how prudence is seen among the Eʋe peoples, as the careful use both of the brain or natural intelligence and physical talents or craftsmanship in all undertakings. Thus we can see that the various meanings carried by prudence, depend on the context in which the Eʋe proverb is applied. Prudence as a practical virtue involves actions that are properly weighed to bring about desirable outcomes in appropriate situations. 4.6.a Proverbs’ ‘Shoots’ Promoting Prudence The Eʋe folk proverbs we saw in Section 3.2.a showed that prudence is being considerate, judicious and acting cautiously at one’s own discretion. The use of “better-than” sayings pointed at the transience of the human condition, acts and their consequences, the assessment of abilities, the appropriate reaction to situations, adjustment to change and dealing with rifts in the community, the Eʋe proverbs used in Section 3 focused on teaching the virtue of prudence. The biblical proverbs discussed in this section also inherently teach the virtue of prudence and are comparable to the Eʋe folk proverbs. This characteristic makes the biblical “sentence” proverbs ripe ‘shoots’ for ‘grafting’ on to the African Eʋe tree of life. Many Eʋe folk proverbs express prudence through a “better-than” (Hebrew, tôb-mīn) proverbial structure. Even though the performance context in which the sages uttered or composed the final sayings in the Book of Proverbs is not known, some of the proverbs chosen from Proverbs 25–29 employ similar rhetoric in speaking about prudence. Proverbs 25:7; 25:24; 27:5; 27:10 and 28:6, for instance, are all proverbs, which employ the “better than” (or tôb-mīn) structure in Proverbs 25–29. טוברש הולך בתמו מעקש דרכים והוא עשיר Better is a poor man who lives blamelessly than a rich man whose ways52 are crooked (Proverb 28:6). טובה תוכחת מגלה מאהבה מסתרת 51 52 Becker and Becker, eds., “Prudence,” 1214. See also William E. Davie “Being Prudent and Acting Prudently” in American Philosophical Quarterly 10 (1973), 57–60. This use of the dual form for “ways” has been presented as the idea of “Two Ways’” (the good and bad/crooked) doctrine of wisdom. See Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 822. See also Ben Sira 2:12, who woes the “faint hearts” and “weak hands” and the “sinner who goes in two paths.” A Massai proverb (70) quoted by Golka in The Leopard’s Spots, renders this 158 Chapter 4 Open reproof is better than concealed love (Proverb 27:5). כי טוב אמרלך עלה הנה מהשפילך לפני נדיב אשר ראו עיניך For it is better to be told, “Step up here,” than to be degraded in the presence of the great53 (Proverb 25:7a). טוב שבת עלפנתגג מאשת מדונים ובית חבר Dwelling in the corner of a roof is better than a contentious woman in a spacious house54 (Proverb 25:24). טוב שכן קרוב מאח רחוק A close neighbor is better than a distant brother (Proverb 27:10c). These five proverbs, like the Eʋe proverbs referred to in Chapter 3, Section 3.2.a above, speak about acting prudently in a variety of contexts and situations. The “better than” formula or phraseology compares two conditions in which like the Eʋe proverbs one is more desirable or more prudent than the other. By comparing the actions of a poor person to that of a rich person, Proverb 28:6 can be treated as an observation about poverty and wealth concerns in the society, with which the sages or ḥăkāmim were familiar. Sandoval discusses this proverb in connection with wealth and poverty in the Book of Proverbs (alongside Proverbs 15:16; 16:18 and 19:1, which do not fall within the purview of Proverbs 25–29). Sandoval asserts that “The logical structure of the verse(s) insists that an economic negative (little) plus a moral positive (living blamelessly /righteously) is of more value than an economic positive (abundant treasure/produce) and a moral negative (perversity/confusion/injustice).55 By implication, therefore, moral uprightness with little material wealth 53 54 55 proverb as “Better is to be poor and live long than rich and die young,” p. 64, can be deployed in similar contexts. Here the proverb implies that a poor person, whose ways are not perverse, lives long, while a rich and perverse person dies young. Apart from speaking about the importance of acting prudently, this proverb also teaches humility. See Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 778. Here Fox considers this proverb as part of a cluster originating in the court and speaking of kings and their wisdom as well as how to act in humility before the king. Compared to the Eʋe folk proverbs that speak about women, this proverb also paints a very negative picture of a woman or wife. Sandoval, Wealth and Poverty, 130. ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 159 is to be desired over and above much material wealth without moral uprightness. This assertion is correct; however an African-centered ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ will hear more of the folk wisdom that may be a part of the proverb that can be applied to anyone who lacks prudence. In fact, the poor person in this proverb, who lives blamelessly and acts prudently, deserves more honor and respect than the rich person whose ways are perverse.56 That is, the poor or less powerful, like rural people who may have originally uttered a saying like Proverb 28:6 can be said to be prudent. The Leningrad Hebrew Old Testament (wtt) translation of Proverb 25:24 has both the kethib ְמדֹונִ יםand the qere ִ֜מ ְדיָ ִ֗ניםfor the common masculine plural noun “contention.” Both of these words used in Proverb 25:24 differ from the word used in the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (bhs). The bhs uses a ḥireq with the initial mem instead of the shewa, which is used in the wtt kethib. Additionally, the bhs also uses a waw with a qameṣ for the middle syllable in מדוניםinstead of the full ḥolem (i.e., with the waw) as it is used in the kethib of the wtt. Thus although the wtt kethib transliterates as mǝḏwonîm instead of the bhs transliteration of mîḏwānîm, I choose to read the text with the wtt kethib, which is closer to the bhs than the wtt qere. Furthermore, my choice of the wtt kethib here is based on the similar uses of the same noun in other passages like Proverbs 21:19; 23:29; 26:21 and 27:15 in which the vowels are similar to those used in the kethib of the wtt and the bhs, respectively. Proverb 25:24 suggests that it is “better to live in the corner of a house than in a spacious house with a contentious woman” and is comparable to the Eʋe folk proverb under Section 3.2.a which says, “It is better to be married to a woman, who cannot make a good wife than to remain single.” Both Proverb 27:15, which describes a contentious woman as the constantly dripping rain and the Eʋe proverb which speaks about a woman who cannot make a good wife, paint negative pictures of the women. In Proverb 25:24, the husband or the housemate of the contentious woman is indirectly being advised not to live together with the contentious woman in a community house—ובית חבר57 but to live in the corner of the roof of the house. Fox, in his analysis of this verse notes that the idea of an alehouse comes from an Akkadian cognate phrase. Taken as such, the house in question is a “drinking-house” and it is no wonder that there will be contention in the house. This explanation is gleaned from Proverb 23:30, which is an answer to the question posed in Proverb 23:29. The answer in Proverb 23:30, refers to the one, who has “woe” (contention) as the 56 57 Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 822. Fox agrees with Sandoval’s idea and states that “Although wealth is good, its value is nullified if its owner is dishonest.” Fox, ibid. 160 Chapter 4 one who lingers long over wine and who tastes mixed wine. Fox’s discussion of this proverb paints very negative pictures of both the woman and man. According to Fox, Proverb 25:24, which is a duplicate of Proverb 21:9 (with the variant, “in a desert land”), pictures a “harried husband hounded from his house and taking refuge on the roof, exposed to the elements,” who doesn’t even get the whole roof but just a corner, which is “better than being cooped up with a shrew.”58 It seems the husband in Proverb 25:24 would rather perhaps, remain single than marry a contentious woman, whilst in contrast, the Eʋe proverb enjoins the man to marry the woman “who cannot make a good wife” (who is probably, a contentious one too). Thus, though both Proverb 25:24 and the Eʋe folk proverb paint negative pictures of the women involved, they are different in content. In both cases, prudence or special wisdom is needed to accomplish the tasks in the interest of the personal fulfillment on of both husbands. The final proverb in this section speaks about how a neighbor, who lives close by, is better than a far-away brother or family member. This proverb seems very apt for folk contexts though this may not necessarily be the case. Among the Eʋe peoples, people always try to be on good terms with others and to live amicably together with their neighbors especially, when they live outside their own communities. This is because there are many uncertainties related to living outside of one’s own community (for example, sudden illness, deaths, fire, etc.). When the misfortunes occur, the victims need the assistance of other people; neighbors who live close-by are usually of immediate help to them. Neighbors who live nearby are able to offer immediate assistance before family members who live far away arrive to help. Thus it is prudent to have good relationships with those nearby rather than depend on family members who live far away. Proverb 26:4–5 is a pair of much discussed biblical verses that also ultimately teach the virtue of prudence. אלתען כסיל כאולתו פןתשוהלו גםאתה Do not answer fools according to their folly, or you will be a fool yourself (Proverb 26:4). ענה כסיל כאולתו פן־יהיה חכם בעיניו Answer fools according to their folly or they will be wise in their own eyes59 (Proverb 26:5). 58 59 Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 682–683. See Proverb 29:9 also for a similar warning against arguing with a fool. ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 161 Many scholars on Proverbs have argued that these two verses (Proverb 26:4–5) are contradictory to each other, and that juxtaposing them appears to be a deliberate scribal ploy.60 Fox suggests that “the contradiction is usually resolved by assuming that the proverbs apply to different situations.” Van Leeuwen similarly, offers an exegetical argument that Proverb 26:1–12 is constructed “to force the reader to confront perennial problems, which are properly labeled hermeneutic. That is, how are the proverbs to be used and applied in various, even contradictory life settings?”61 Roland Murphy’s view may be closer to my personal view when he suggests that the contradictions are meant “to educate the reader to the ambiguities of life, and to be careful in speech.”62 Although these scholars have various views, these biblical verses, in my opinion, are not contradictory but they rather make their points succinctly especially when viewed with the lens of the Eʋe cultural context. Not to answer a fool according to his folly (Proverb 26:4), can be taken to mean, not to act as foolishly as a fool does, which is explained by the second part of the proverb, “or you will be a fool yourself.” On the other hand, the second proverb, which admonishes people to answer fools according to the folly of the fools (Proverb 26:5), suggests that fools must be put in their rightfully deserved places (i.e., the place of fools) and this explanation is offered by the second part of this proverb, “or they will be wise in their own eyes.” Each of the proverbs teaches people to be prudent and together they teach a forceful lesson. Proverb 26:8, which uses an image easily recognizable and understandable to rural folk, also promotes prudence, albeit indirectly. כצרור אבן במרגמה כןנותן לכסיל כבוד Like tying a stone in a sling is the giving of honor to a fool (Proverb 26:8). The proverb produces the mental picture of someone attempting to tie a stone in a sling, which is very thin and cannot hold the stone by itself; the metaphor compares the act of tying a stone in a sling to giving honor to a fool. The fool can be considered as a person who lacks prudence and which results in nothing better than foolishness. Attributing prudence to a fool by honoring him or her amounts to nothing since the lack of prudence easily shows through their foolish nature. To assign prudence to a fool is like considering “a dead lion” to be better than “a live dog.” This idea is shown in one of the “nyo wu” (better than) 60 61 62 See Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 793. Van Leeuwen, Context and Meaning in Proverbs 25–27, 99. Roland E. Murphy “Recent Research on Proverbs and Qohelet” In Currents in Research Biblical Studies 1 (1993), 119–140, p. 203. 162 Chapter 4 Eʋe proverbs analyzed above.63 The dead lion does not have much usefulness but a live dog can be very useful. Furthermore, the action of a fool shows through a child, who lacks prudence and foolishly contends that he can “tie water with a rope.”64 If it were possible for a child to tie water with a rope, this would be a prudent act. However, since this action is impossible, to assign prudence to a child for contending to do the impossible would be like giving honor to a fool (Proverb 26:8), which can be likened to tying a stone with a sling. These acts are both actions that lack prudence and any attempt to argue or even contend with anyone who attempts to do these things will amount to behaving like the fool. McKane rightly sees a “strong incongruity, even absurdity, in bestowing status and reputation on a fool.”65 For McKane, since a stone is put in a sling in order that it may be ejected, it is a contradiction to accord כבודkabod honor to a fool. Proverb 26:8, for instance, can be used to teach prudence to complacent people who think they know best. A poor person who does not accept the assistance of other people to escape poverty or an apprentice who believes he is more knowledgeable than the trainer can be the subject of these proverbs. The sages clustered together three further sayings in Proverb 25:8–10, dealing with relationships and to be used to teach prudence. Two of these proverbs (Proverb 25:8 and 9) explicitly mention the “neighbor” or friend. אלתצא לרב מהר פן מהתעשה באחריתה בהכלים אתך רעך What your eyes have seen, do not hastily bring into court; for what will you do if your neighbor puts you to shame? (Proverb 25:8). ריבך ריב אתרעך וסוד אחר אל־תגל Argue your case with your neighbor directly, and do not disclose another’s secret (Proverb 25:9). פןיחסדך שמע ודבתך לא תשוב 63 64 65 Dzobo, African Proverbs, proverb #186, 80–81. This proverb speaks against foolishness and calls for prudence, which involves the development of a sound or proper value of judgment about things, situations and people’s abilities. Dzobo, African Proverbs, # 64, 41. A prudent child would not attempt to do a foolish thing like tying water with a rope, which is an impossible task. McKane, Proverbs: A New Approach, 598. See also Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 795. For Fox, the honor received by a fool “becomes a nasty missile, making him even more arrogant and obnoxious.” Furthermore, for Fox, “The stone and honor are instruments of harm when given to a sling or a fool.” ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 163 Lest/or else someone who hears you will bring shame upon you, and your illrepute will have no end (Proverb 25:10). The above three proverbs (Proverb 25:8–10) mirror life in a typical Eʋe community and in other communities, where people may lack patience to understand the intricacies of situations before jumping to conclusions. In the Eʋe community, it is not uncommon for people to take matters into their own hands and fight before they have fully understood the situation. Parents who believe everything their children say may start a fight with other parents based on what their children tell them without checking the truthfulness of what the children said. These parents may be the subjects of Proverb 25:8–10. Engaging in a fight without knowing the details can be likened to taking what the parents have “seen to court hastily” and due to lack of prudence. Their hasty action brings shame on them. Similar issues apply when people try to defend their siblings before they have understood the cause of the fight; or people who jump into marital disputes without knowing the details of the dispute. In such situations, if the person being defended is the guilty party, the defense of the other parties is turned on its head and shame and disgrace come on the defenders. Proverb 25:7c-10 describes what the defenders’ “eyes have not seen”: they “brought hastily into court” before knowing the details or to have divulged another’s secret so they are disgraced. A teacher or leader who is hasty to punish a student or follower based on what he or she hears from other students or other followers may be advised by this proverb. When the victims of the hasty action of the teacher or leader are proved to be innocent, the teacher or leader is shamed for acting without prudence. Those who tell tales, accusing others (children, spouses, friends, etc.) of acts they have not personally witnessed can cause a lot of harm by initiating quarrels which have no actual cause. The outcome of the tale-bearing and the other negative acts mentioned above can be costly to the victims and when the truth emerges the injurious gossip[er]s or those who act irrationally bring shame due to lack wisdom. Apart from teaching prudence to those who act in a rush without thinking about consequences, these proverbs also warn against divulging other people’s secrets when a fight ensues between two people. The irrational act of a person, who lacks prudence in such situations, can tarnish their image for a long period of time. Proverb 25:8 is similar to the Eʋe proverb, “Avɔvuvutɔ mewɔa dzre o,” which means: “A person in tattered clothes does not enter into a fight” analyzed in Section 3.2.d. For such a person, their remaining clothes would be torn completely and the person will be naked, a source of disgrace and embarrassment. Bringing a case “hastily to judgment” and “divulging other people’s secrets” can be compared to “a person in tattered clothes entering into a fight,” and the disgrace and disrepute which follow when their remaining tattered 164 Chapter 4 clothes are torn to shreds can be compared to the condemnation that comes from people who listen to the outcome of a matter taken to court hastily or to divulging another’s secret. McKane’s analyses of Proverb 25:7c and 8 together with the suggestion that these proverbs are “perhaps, directed against indiscreet and injurious gossip” and “reckless gossip and broken confidences,”66 resonates with my own understanding of these proverbs. The biblical sayings can be applied to several situations, which Fox’s explanation of Proverb 25:8 provides. As Fox rightly puts it, “The maxim applies to any argument that can lead to bitter words” and “the revelation of personal secrets.”67 Other sayings in the Hezekiah collection of Proverbs promote prudence in other ways. Consider, for example, Proverb 25:11–12. תפוחי זהב במשכיות כסף דבר דבר עלאפניו Like golden apples in settings of silver are words spoken in the right way (Proverb 25:11). נזם זהב וחליכתם מוכיח חכם על־אזן שמעת Like a ring of gold and an ornament of fine gold is a wise man’s rebuke to a listening ear (Proverb 25:12). The comparison of appropriately spoken words to the image of golden apples in silver settings, paints a picture of the value of properly chosen words. The use of both images of gold and silver for correct words (Proverb 25:11) portray the value of these gems and appropriate words. Proverb 25:11 and the following verse, Proverb 25:12 compare a wise person’s rebuke to a listening ear, a ring of gold and an ornament of fine gold; these proverbs show how precious the words of rebuke of the wise or prudent are when compared to “fine gold” and “golden ornaments.” Though rebuke is not pleasant when delivered literally, it can be acceptable to a listening ear; the words must be pleasant to the ears of people who are prudent. Appropriate words and rebuke come from the prudent person who knows how to use words for the right purpose.68 In my 66 67 68 McKane, Proverbs: A New Approach, 580–581. I agree with McKane about the way he analyzes vv. 7c-8. See Dzobo, African Proverbs, 85. This proverb is also analyzed along with other similar proverbs in Chapter 3 Section 3.2. d. The proverbs in this section have actconsequence logic and teach people to be prudent in assessing their abilities or capabilities to avoid negative consequences. Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 781. See also Prov. 25:13, “Like the coldness of snow at harvest time is a trusted servant to those who send him; he lifts his master’s spirits.” The messenger here can be seen as very ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 165 opinion, the words are pleasant to the “listening” ear that “prudently” heeds the words. An application in context of these proverbs is when parents, adults or experienced people advice children or the inexperienced. Anyone who is wayward can be given “pep” talk to reform his or her ways. Though this kind of talk is often not desirable, when the person heeds the advice, he or she is often saved from destruction and gets to have a happy life later. Proverb 25:11 compares also to 25:25, which speaks about “good news from a distant land being like cold water to a patched throat.” Taken literally, both proverbs are self-explanatory and give the mental picture of appropriately spoken words that are metaphorically, compared to apples of gold in a silver setting (v. 11), and good news from afar, compared to cold water to the thirsty soul. Both sets of images are beautiful and desirable: they teach people the value of words prudently uttered in fitting situations so they would be soothing—that is, they are eventually recognized as beneficial—to those who hear them. Proverb 25:25 is very similar to the Eʋe proverb, “Nya tso duta nana ƒutome mi daa ami” meaning “Good news from afar makes the marrow rich or fattens the inside of the bone-oil.”69 The Eʋe proverb is used for a person who returns home from another town or country with some good news. The soul becomes weary after awaiting news, whether it is good or bad news about something. The soul is relieved after the long period of waiting when the newcomer brings good news. In the comparable Eʋe proverb news from afar enriches the marrow. Proverbs 25:11 and 25:25 can be used for any help which saves a precarious situation. A rescuer who saves someone from danger; a child, student, parent, leader or anyone whose training is applied when needed most; a doctor who appears when a patient is struggling for life; a driver who responds to an emergency when there are no other vehicles available; anyone whose ideas bring innovation to a situation or task can also be described by these proverbs. These proverbs teach people to be prudent by taking appropriate actions to salvage situations in which their services are most needed. 69 reliable and is described as “refreshing as snow” during the hot harvest, in representing his or her master. See Fox, 783. Contra, Prov. 25:18, which says, “Like a club, a sword, a sharpened arrow, is a man who testifies falsely against his fellow.” Whereas the words of Prov. 25:11–13 can be said to embody the virtue of prudence, those of 25:18 are implements of destruction and implicitly lack prudence. This Eʋe proverb is also used when someone brings a fresh idea, a new insight or a good solution to a challenging situation or problem. The person, who provides an “Aha! Moment,” to bring closure to a challenging situation probably, comes from another town or community or is one of the people deliberating on the matter. 166 Chapter 4 4.6.b Grafting Conclusions The ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ proposed in this study shows the similarity and/ or differences between the sayings in Proverbs which teach the virtue of prudence and the comparable Eʋe folk proverbs that teach the similar virtue. In these proverbs, words and actions work together to teach the virtue of prudence. Acts lacking prudence are highlighted to teach people to avoid them by rather using the actions that promote prudence. A ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ produces the “Aha! Moment”: when people can distinguish between virtuous actions and words. This distinction becomes instrumental in teaching, understanding and appropriating the message of the biblical Book of Proverbs in the African Eʋe cultural context. 4.7 The Virtue of Sociability—amedomesɔsɔ As we saw in Chapters 2 and 3, sociability along with diligence, humility and prudence are core virtues among the Eʋe peoples. The major ingredient underpins the wellbeing of the community. However, it is embedded in sociability, whereby justice and equity are promoted. Among the Eʋe peoples, sociability, which is “fitting in with people,” is a virtue with a very important place. It can be considered in relation to cooperation with one another, with the conscious intent of reforming or solving social problems. As a social unit, members of the Eʋe community try to foster sociability by cooperating with, offering material aid, vocational advice and other forms of help to each other. The virtue of sociability fosters social harmony in which members are sensitive to the needs of other members in the Eʋe society or community. John Mbiti, an African religious philosopher, who is not a Ghanaian or Eʋe, concludes that African religions and philosophy succinctly summarize the virtue of sociability. According to Mbiti, “I am because we are, and because we are, therefore, I am.”70 This statement reflects the interdependence and sociability expressed in the African religious and philosophical worldview. Though this statement is specific to African religions and philosophy, it carries over to all aspects of African life where the sacred and the secular are not dichotomized but rather constitute a complete whole. Mbiti’s idea and my own personal experience of the Eʋe cultural context are shown in several Eʋe folk proverbs some of which have been analyzed in Section 3.3.a–3.3.h above. These proverbs teach the virtue of sociability, taking pride in what is one’s own, 70 John S. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy (Nairobi, Kenya. London: Heinemann, 1979), 108–109. ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 167 sharing resources, fostering personal relationships, being mindful of one’s own personal business, being selfless and community-minded, valuing every member of the community, respecting the tenets of Eʋe tradition and promoting what is essential for the vitality of the community. 4.7.a Proverbs’ ‘Shoots’ Promoting Sociability Like a number of Eʋe folk proverbs which teach the virtue of sociability, many sayings from Proverbs 25–29 teach the virtue of sociability. The biblical proverbs use similar images, forms, logic and rhetoric as the Eʋe proverbs. The following are examples from the Book of Proverbs that teach sociability. These ‘shoots’ from ancient Israel’s tree of life are easily ‘grafted’ on to the African Eʋe tree of life. ידע צדיק דין דלים רשע לאיבין דעת A righteous person is concerned with the cause of the wretched [poor]. A wicked person cannot understand such concerns71 (Proverb 29:7). משגה ישרים בדרך רע בשחותו הוא־יפול ותמימים ינחלו־טוב He who misleads the upright into an evil course will fall into his own pit but the blameless will prosper72 (Proverb 28:10). מסיר אזנו משמע תורה גםתפלתו תועב He who turns a deaf ear to instruction, his prayer is an abomination to the Lord (Proverb 28:9). The foregoing wisdom sayings draw clear contrasts between the upright and unjust as well as the acts of the righteous and the wicked, and the consequences of such actions. The parallelism and clear moral categories highlighted in Proverb 28:9–10 suggest that such sayings find their origin in a scribal context. Yet as we have noted above, this may not necessarily be the case. Even if these biblical proverbs emerged from scribes, the folk wisdom that lies behind them can be heard through an African-centered hermeneutic and they can be ‘grafted’ on to the African Ghanaian Eʋe tree of life. 71 72 This proverb is similar also to Proverb 28:5, “Evil men cannot discern judgment, but those who seek the Lord discern all things.” See also Proverb 26:27. “He who digs a pit will fall inside and whoever rolls a stone, it will roll back on him.” (Cf., Ecclesiastes 10:8; Ps. 7:15). 168 Chapter 4 The sayings label the wicked and the unjust as anti-sociable and praise the upright and righteous. The contrasting images in these proverbs are presented in legal rhetoric, upholding justice for the righteous and upright and punishing those who harm the wellbeing of other members of society (Proverbs 29:7 and 28:10). People who uphold justice, equity and righteousness embody the virtue of sociability; they preserve the norms of society and are liked; the wicked do not show kindness towards the less fortunate in society, and are reviled by the community. Proverb 28:9 is one of the few proverbs that mention the word “Lord.” It condemns the wicked, who refuse to heed instruction and do not listen to the value system in society. Their prayers are thus an abomination to the Lord. Apart from being applicable to a legal context, these proverbs can apply to any situation in which people of higher status are set against those of lower status: rich against poor, leaders against followers, tutors against apprentices, etc. An impartial teacher, who arbitrates between poor and wealthy students and gives each a fair hearing, can be praised by these proverbs. Conversely, someone who fails to give a fair hearing can be compared to the unjust or wicked, who do not care about the poor, and mislead the upright to an “evil course.” Parents who encourage their children to be truthful or not to be truthful can also be the subjects of these proverbs. Those who administer equity and justice are praised and rewarded for their virtuousness; those who practice vice are also punished accordingly. McKane, in his analysis of Proverb 29:7, which speaks about the poor, thinks this proverb is an example of “a wisdom sentence, which is an instrument of prophetic teaching.”73 In my opinion, this idea of “a wisdom saying being prophetic teaching” is not limited only to this verse or other verses in the Book of Proverbs. It applies also to wisdom sayings in the African Ghanaian Eʋe ­cultural context and also to the wisdom sayings of other cultural contexts. These proverbs teach virtuous living by showing concern for other people generally and for the poor in particular. Sandoval discusses Proverb 22:22 (and v. 23) and Proverb 29:7 with regards to equity for the poor. In his analyses (Proverb 29:7) he stresses the indispensability of the virtue of sociability (the Eʋe “amedomesɔsɔ”) as “fitting well among the members of the society.” He asserts, “There is no split here between virtue and law (or legal “righteousness”) but “rather, for Proverbs, legal institutions should provide a context for living a virtuous life (particularly, vis-á-vis the poor).”74 Even though Sandoval’s idea 73 74 William McKane, Proverbs: A New Approach (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1970), 641. Sandoval, Discourse of Wealth and Poverty, 147. See also Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 836. Fox is of the opinion that “Doing the right thing requires knowing the right thing” and this “requires the right moral disposition to start with.” ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 169 concerns the equitable treatment of the poor, I consider this proverb includes all members of the community, who must be treated fairly to maintain the wellbeing of the entire social framework. An Eʋe folk proverb from my own personal experience which compares with Proverb 29:7 is “Baname wobanɛ na.” It says: “A cheat is the one who gets cheated.” This folk saying can be used to teach retributive justice whereby acts and their consequences go together. Metaphorically, however, this Eʋe proverb can be used positively to teach sociability. The English expression “One good turn deserves another” can be used to explain this Eʋe folk proverb; which can be understood as “Every good deed attracts another good deed” or result. Even though Eʋe peoples do not expect recompense for each good deed, sociability is required by community: doing what is good and giving to others as well as receiving help and good from other members. Proverbs 29:12; 29:14 and 29:16 are three other biblical sayings, ‘shoots’, which teach the virtue of sociability and can, therefore, be ‘grafted’ on to the African Eʋe proverbial tree of life. משל מקשיב עלדברשקר כלמשרתיו רשעים If a ruler listens to falsehood, all his officials will be wicked (Proverb 29:12). מלך שופט באמת דלים כסאו לעד יכון If a king judges the poor with truth, His throne will be established forever (Proverb 29:14). ברבות רשעים ירבהפשע וצדיקים במפלתם יראו When the wicked are in authority, transgression increases but the righteous will look upon their downfall (Proverb 29:16). These three proverbs, which make use of act-consequence logic, emphasize the importance of the role of royalty in relating to their subjects. As with other sayings we have analyzed which speak about kings and rulers, in Proverb 29:12, if the king is gullible and accepts lies, he will be surrounded by liars. If the king rules with falsehood he can only expect wicked officials who will provide the falsehood he wants to hear. If rulers or those in power listen to falsehood, there will be wickedness and people filled with falsehood will not care about the wellbeing of those who are righteous and truthful. The attitude of those in power fosters lawlessness because people can take the law into their own hands. However, in spite of wickedness, Proverb 29:16 promises the righteous that they will hold up and ‘see’ 170 Chapter 4 when evil befalls the wicked. The attitude of the wicked disrupts the equilibrium of society but righteous people uphold social equilibrium. The second part of Proverb 29:16 speaks about how the righteous will ‘see’ when evil befalls the wicked, whilst the first part condemns the wicked who cause transgressions to increase. These proverbs emphasize the results of negligence of duty and lack of concern for society’s wellbeing. Together these three proverbs (29:12; 29:14 and 29:16) can be used to teach the virtue of sociability, which ensures that everyone in a community fits in well with all other members in the community. Proverbs 25:17 and 26:17 can be compared to the Eʋe folk proverbs analyzed in Chapter 3, Section 3.3.d. The proverbs in this section are concerned with how people should be “Mindful of their own Business.” הקר רגלך מבית רעך פןישבעך ושנאך Keep your foot from your neighbor’s house lest he have his fill of you and hate you (Proverb 25:17). מחזיק באזני־כלב עבר מתעבר על־ריב לא־לו Like one who seizes a dog by the ears, is a passer-by who meddles in a quarrel that is not his own (Proverb 26:17). One of the virtues in this group of proverbs is prudence in which people are taught to be wary of meddling in the affairs of other people. However, the main virtue I see in these proverbs is that of sociability: people are warned to mind only their own businesses because anyone who meddles in another person’s affairs is seeking trouble. In the Eʋe cultural context, Proverb 25:17 can be used to teach a person who over-frequents other people’s houses (and perhaps, does undesirable things while there) to desist from the practice so as not ruin relationships. This proverb (25:17) can be taken as an expression of how social relationships sometimes work; it offers advice to people not to frequent their neighbor’s houses too often lest enmity should develop between them. As the English saying presents it “Too much of everything is bad.” Too much frequenting of a neighbor’s house can generate ill-feelings in the neighbor toward the visitor. According to Fox, “you shouldn’t overstay your welcome” since “however pleasant you may be your neighbor will get fed up and vomit you out.”75 This ­proverb 75 Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 785. Fox analyzes verses 16 and 17 in the same light, where o­ ver-eating honey can cause a person to throw up and offers a practical instance of what ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 171 can be compared with a couple of Eʋe proverbs. “Ha ɖeka dzidzi ɖe wòvea tome,”76 which means, “Repetitive singing of one song makes it sour to the ear” and “Ha dzimatsoe akayɛ wògbãna,” which means, “If one song is sang continuously it breaks a rattle.”77 If a passer-by takes a dog by the ear as in Proverb 26:17, the dog might viciously attack the person. This proverb can be taken as a typical example of meddling in other people’s affairs which opposes concepts of sociability. Just as a passing-by dog taken by the ear would attack its victim, or when anyone who is a passer-by takes a dog by the ear would be attacked by the dog; a sociable person does not interfere in affairs that concern other people. The former may not know the details or understand the issues involved in other peoples’ affairs. Fox is correct by maintaining that Proverb 26:17 refers to a “danger of interfering in strangers’ quarrels.”78 For the ‘hermeneutic of grafting’, Proverb 26:17 can be used for people who try to settle or get involved in misunderstandings between couples, siblings, friends or other families without knowing the root causes. The proverb teaches observers to keep their distance from matters they know little or nothing about directly.79 Meddling in other peoples’ affairs may be compared to “leaning against a distant wall” or “drawing water from a distant well,” or “taking twines from a distant forest” as we saw in Chapter 3, Section 3.3.d in the analysis of the Eʋe proverbs. The proverb teaches people to be sociable to promote amicable co-existence. Proverb 25:17 can teach a person who talks too much about the affairs of others or who gives excessive advice: to avoid over-stepping boundaries which can risk their good deeds turning sour and cause people to avoid them. Proverb 25:17 can also be explained by the English expressions, “Too much of everything is bad” as shown above or “Familiarity breeds contempt.” The proverbs can be used to warn professionals who try to show others they have more ability than they actually possess to be wary of their behavior: for example, a doctor who takes the role of an engineer, a teacher who acts as a lawyer without the relevant technical or professional knowledge. Other 76 77 78 79 over-eating honey can result in. Just as people should not “over-indulge on sweets” they should not over-indulge (italics mine) their visits to others. See Dzobo African Proverbs, # 160, 72. Dzobo, 72–73. According to Dzobo, there is a limit to desirability and an end to every good thing and people must know to what extent their services are desired by others and not prolong going beyond their usefulness. The rattle is a kind of musical instrument played for entertainment. Fox, Proverbs 10–31, 799. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 50–51. Dzobo advices people not to interfere in matters that don’t concern them. 172 Chapter 4 examples include advice given by unmarried people to those who are married, childless people to families, or those in different socio-economic groups. People in society have the right to privacy and others must learn not to encroach on this to maintain the bond of sociability. Importantly, however, the African Eʋe proverbial tree of life balances a concern of ‘meddling’ in other people’s business with equally important concerns; it highlights the value of sociability more than the biblical sayings. In contrast to the above sayings in Proverbs 25:17 and 26:17, the Eʋe proverb “Afɔ megblẽa ame dome o” meaning, “The foot does not disrupt personal relationships”80 which was analyzed in Chapter 3, encourages people to visit their neighbors frequently to maintain cordial social relationships.81 This is because the Eʋe peoples, like other African peoples, cherish being sociable; through regular visits sociability is developed. Conversely, a person who does not visit others is considered anti-social in the Eʋe community and may even be suspected of bad conduct, e.g., a witch, wizard or an executioner who would not want people to know about their clandestine deeds. 4.7.b Grafting Conclusions The performance context of the biblical proverbs is unknown so it must be assumed that the sayings in Proverbs 25–29 were performed in similar contexts as the African Eʋe folk proverbs. This is because some of the images used in Proverbs are very similar to those used in Eʋe folk proverbs. In attempting to draw some ‘grafting’ conclusions to the Socialibility sayings, Gerhard von Rad’s suggests that in the Book of Proverbs the wise need to encourage the practice of good and prevent the bad by “address(ing, italics the author’s addition) themselves to man’s [people’s italics author’s] ability to think and better understand,” which he thinks, comes by way of “reflection.”82 Von Rad’s idea can be taken as an overarching conclusion to the performance context of the proverbs analyzed in this study. Fox’s analysis of Proverb 28:4–5, which emphasizes the “bond between knowledge and ethics,” can be seen as a core value of the Book of Proverbs, in which the fear of the Lord marks the beginning of wisdom.83 In line with these ideas, we can conclude that the Eʋe folk proverbs which teach diligence, humility, prudence and sociability also foster a strong bond between what 80 81 82 83 Dzobo, African Proverbs, # 135, 63–64. Dzobo, African Proverbs, 63–64. According to Dzobo, “cordial relationship is created and maintained by paying frequent visits to one’s neighbors.” Gerhard von Rad, Wisdom in Israel (London: scm, 1972). See Proverb 1:7. ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 173 people learn from the virtues taught and how they can be used ethically for people’s own welfare and the welfare of the entire Eʋe community. 4.8 Relevance of the ‘Hermeneutic of Grafting’ for Teaching the Bible in Contemporary African Christian Contexts The idea of a ‘Hermeneutic of grafting’ can only make its full impact unless the proverbs analyzed in this current study can be made relevant for teaching the Bible in contemporary African Christian contexts. A close study of Eʋe folk proverbs, which serve as the African tree of life on to which the ‘shoots’ from Israel’s tree of life from the Book of Proverbs can be ‘grafted’ will help to facilitate the understanding of the Bible in general and Proverbs, in particular. We will take a brief look at some of the ways in which a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ can be applied in teaching the Bible in African cultural contexts. The African Eʋe folk proverbs and the Biblical proverbs we have analyzed are not relevant either without some knowledge of religiosity and Christianity of Africa in general and Ghana, in particular. This knowledge of religiosity and Christianity may be similar in other African countries but Ghana is used here as pars pro toto (proto type) for the others. There are three main religions, Christianity, Islam, and African Traditional Religion/s in Ghana which tend to co-exist amicably. Nevertheless, they tend to compete among themselves. Faced with these three religions, the Bible can survive if it is interpreted with the imagery with which people are familiar. The three main religions exist throughout Ghana with various Christian denominations often characterized by cultural and linguistic affinities. It is common to encounter for instance, two different Presbyterian Churches: the Evangelical Presbyterian Church, found mainly in the Southeastern part of Ghana, the Volta Region with mainly Eʋe-speaking members; and the Presbyterian Church of Ghana, found mainly in the capital city, Accra, among the Ga-speaking and Akwapim-speaking peoples. The Ashanti and Central Region Christians are mainly Roman Catholics and the Fante-speaking peoples are mainly Methodists. Although Christianity is widespread in Ghana, it is found mainly in the Southern part of Ghana. The people in the North are mainly Muslim because the Islamic religion entered Ghana through the North in the 15th century long before the arrival of Christianity in the South. Islam has a very great appeal to the Northerners; it does not propagate the ideals of Christianity but fosters continuity with and encourages practices like polygamy, ancestor veneration, and other beliefs common to African traditional religion/s. 174 Chapter 4 With the need to interpret the Bible with familiar imagery, some form of transformation has occurred in the expression of Christianity in cultural imagery in mainstream churches. This change came about as a result of Pentecostalism introduced into Christianity in the early 20th century by William Wadé Harris (1860–1929), John Swatson (1855–1925), and Kwame Sarpong Oppong (1884–1965). Pentecostalism and the Charismatic Movement play a very important role in Ghanaian Christianity, giving rise to the African Independent, Instituted or Initiated Churches (aics), which broke away from the mission churches. These aics and New Religious Movements (nrms), which constitute the most fertile grounds for promoting a relevant ‘Hermeneutic of grafting’, developed: they remain in the mission or mainstream churches but they bring about revivalism in the mission churches by incorporating “Spirit-filled” charismatic tendencies into the worship of mainstream churches. Furthermore, the aics also focused on the vibrant work of the Holy Spirit such as, speaking in tongues, loud praying, healing and deliverance (i.e., ostracisms), animated Bible studies and the use of incense and candles. With their emphasis on revivalism, these Churches and Charismatic Movements believe that the African worldview, which seeks to address the authentic needs of African peoples, must be promoted in order to instill deep spirituality and religiosity in the African peoples. Additionally, these aics and nrms recognized the importance of women by creating roles for them to participate actively in leadership positions in the church. The importance accorded to women’s leadership was first demonstrated in the first and largest aic in Ghana (The Twelve Apostles’ Church), which was a 1914 offshoot of Harris’ work. The Twelve Apostles’ Church was founded and co-led by John Nackabah and the Prophetess Grace Tani. The ‘Hermeneutic of grafting’ seeks to teach the Bible more meaningfully through the use of folk proverbs which are familiar to Eʋe peoples and to identify similarities and contrasts in sayings from Proverbs 25–29. Some background of the distinctive features of Christianity in Ghana, which make the ‘Hermeneutic of grafting’ relevant for teaching the Bible, is offered here. Several important distinctive features characterize religious diversity in Ghana. In the mission churches like the Roman Catholic, Presbyterian, Methodist, Anglican and Baptist, to name a few, traditional worship is serene and calm, whereas in the aics, nrm and/or Charismatic churches, the atmosphere is robust, lively, and body-and-soul-moving. The mission churches tend to follow missionary literary liturgical practices, whereas the aics, nrms and Charismatic churches tend to blend ‘received’ traditions with practical African socio-cultural and contextual elements which cater for the daily needs of their members. This practice of the aics and nrms fits in with a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ which ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 175 uses neither purely mission church traditions nor the traditions in the Charismatic religious movement; rather it is a unique blend of the flavors of both. The mission churches see salvation as repentance from personal and “original” sin, the aics, nrms and other “Spirit-filled” or Charismatic churches see salvation as directed toward wellbeing and success in this earthly life and therefore preach a Prosperity Gospel: this stresses act-consequence logic whereby good is rewarded with wealth, but evil is repaid by punishment. This idea of retributive justice and actions and their consequential logic is very prominent in the proverbs and wise sayings of African Eʋe peoples. Although the idea of God among the aics and nrms seems similar to that of the missionary-founded and mainstream churches, the aics and Charismatic movements conceive of God, “the Supreme Being,” not only as transcendent, but also in control of the universe and daily life. This concept of the Supreme Being is manifested in the names and attributes given to the Supreme Being, the names given to individuals at birth, and also the folk sayings that teach people to be diligent, humble, prudent and sociable. People who live by these virtues and other similar virtues have material and spiritual blessings and success in life. Living by these virtues or values also avoids any attachment to 17th and 18th century Enlightenment Cartesian philosophy and theologies of rationalism and empiricism (the concept of “Cogito ego sum”; “I think, therefore I am,”84 which is skeptical of the supernatural and how it affects the material realm and vice versa). Those who practice the four main virtues taught by the Eʋe folk proverbs and the corresponding virtues in Proverbs 25–29 which we have analyzed, uphold the idea that “I am, therefore, we are, and because we are, therefore I am.”85 This is a concept suggested by John Mbiti which is also found in the South African philosophy of Ubuntu. This worldview is practiced in contemporary Ghanaian Christianity. The aics and Charismatic Movements see life as populated by both benevolent and malevolent spirits, which influence the course of human life for good or for evil. In light of this belief, the aics strive to maintain the social equilibrium by living virtuous lives, making “propitiation, expiation and reconciliation”86 with the Supreme Being, God and their neighbors. Members of both the church and 84 85 86 Descartes René, Meditations on First Philosophy, translated by John Cottingham, Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1996. Principles of Philosophy, translated by V.R. Miller and R.P. Miller (Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1983). The Geometry of René Descartes, translated by David Eugene Smith and Marcia L. Lantham (New York: Dover Publications, 1954). The Passions of the Soul, translated by Stephen H. Voss (Indianapolis, in: Hackett Publishing Company, 1989). See also http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cogito_ergo_sum. John S. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy (1979), 108–109. Kwame Bediako, Theology and Identity (1992/1999). 176 Chapter 4 community try to practice diligence, humility, prudence and sociability in their relationships with others in the community: although there are some who practice bad deeds as in the other societies. In this light, the Book of Proverbs can be taught, learned, understood, and its message better appropriated by the Eʋe peoples as they see the virtues they cherish embedded in Proverbs. These are shown through the folk proverbs playing a major role in the message of the Book of Proverbs. As we showed in Chapters 2–4, the ‘shoots’ from Israel’s biblical proverbial tree can be ‘grafted’ on to the African Eʋe tree of life, which can be identified in the lives of individuals, families, social structures, apprenticeship, education, marriage, trade and commerce, farming as well as in legal, business and other enterprises. In these occupations and contexts in life and many others, as the virtues of Diligence, Humility, Prudence and Sociability are practiced in order to promote good, rewarding and successful lives. In addition to the secular application of these virtues in African Ghanaian Eʋe cultural contexts, they can also be applied in the church and in religious contexts. These virtues can be applied in the church when members are trustworthy and perform their duties faithfully toward God and humanity by their good behavior. These virtues are also fostered when members give respect to each other and to authority (youth and children to elders, followers respect their leaders and vice versa). Members of [the church] must work with integrity, not live off the means of others, not take advantage of but recognize the value and contribution (gifts and talents) of each member. Learning to act appropriately according to the virtues of Diligence, Humility, Prudence and Sociability become integral to daily life: the fruits of this peaceful living are rewarded by success and a good life. 4.9 Conclusions on the ‘Hermeneutic of Grafting’ Teaching, learning and understanding are more effective when they start from the known or the familiar system of knowledge to the unknown. Thus it is important to make use of what is already a normal part of the ‘receiving’ culture in any attempt to present the Bible to that second culture. By so doing, we can facilitate the understanding and application of the Bible’s message in the recipient culture. In a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’, the known or familiar African tree of life constitutes the important traditional imagery, themes and moral system exhibited by the virtues of diligence, humility, prudence, sociability and other similar virtues in the Eʋe cultural context. Here we are dealing with the African Ghanaian Eʋe culture as seen in the people’s folk proverbs: the ‘shoots’, which are ‘grafted’ on to this tree are from the unknown, unfamiliar ‘Grafting’ Israel’s ‘Shoots’-Sayings from Proverbs 25–29 177 sayings from the biblical proverbial tree of life, i.e., the ‘received’ images, themes and moral system of Proverbs 25–29. A ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ requires not only taking pre-existing imagery in the cultural context of the African Ghanaian Eʋe peoples seriously, but also for taking account of the fundamental moral and theological worldview of African cultures. Many of the four main virtues, Diligence, Humility, Prudence and Sociability constitute overarching virtues are cherished among the Eʋe peoples and are expressed in their folk proverbs. These values also find expression in sayings in the biblical Book of Proverbs (25–29). A ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ focuses not only on the similarities between the two sets of proverbial material but it also takes into account the differences between the two sets of proverbs: the metaphor of ‘grafting’ suggests only those distinct biblical ‘shoots’ that are sufficiently related to the African tree of life and can be successfully ‘grafted’. Some substantial differences were noted between the sayings in Proverbs and the African Ghanaian Eʋe folk proverbs; these include the frequent use of parallelism in the Book of Proverbs, which we do not find in the Eʋe folk proverbs. “Sentence” proverbs in the Book of Proverbs are mainly two-lined sayings, but the Eʋe folk proverbs are mainly one-lined sayings. The “sentence” proverbs in the Book of Proverbs are also in part organized by superscriptions which provide some hint about the origin of the texts and address questions of authorship and/or dating. Eʋe folk proverbs are not utterer/author or time-specific but arise out of performance contexts. This means that African Ghanaian Eʋe folk proverbs can use one proverb in multiple situations and can also use several proverbs in a single situation. In the light of all these differences, the ‘shoots’ selected from the biblical tree of life, Proverbs 25–29 to be introduced to the African tree of life were chosen on the basis of basic similarities of image, rhetoric and themes which made them ‘ripe’ for ‘grafting’. Using imagery which is well-known, as shown in the virtues or values of Diligence, Humility, Prudence and Sociability, a ‘hermeneutic of grafting’ becomes helpful for the African Eʋe peoples. They are enabled to form mental pictures of the Bible’s message in ways they can understand and internalize and thus use the message. They can identify with it more meaningfully at a more personal level. The result of ‘grafting’ the ‘shoots’ from the biblical tree of life (Proverbs) on to the African Eʋe tree of life (Eʋe folk proverbs) thus blends the ideas, motifs and images of the biblical and the existing African Ghanaian Eʋe cultural contextual tree of life in such a way that the African Ghanaian Eʋe peoples are not only more open to receiving the biblical message, but also to making the message more distinctly African. The risk of introducing non-African modes of 178 Chapter 4 thought in the reception of the Bible in Africa is minimized. This use of distinctly African modes of thought affords a genuinely African way of interpreting the biblical Proverbs. The ‘Hermeneutic of Grafting’ presented in this study is not limited to the Book of Proverbs. Several other ‘shoots’ of other discourses can be identified in the Bible which can be freshly ‘grafted’ on to other aspects of the African tree of life. This further ‘grafting’ remains for another future analysis. Selected Bibliography* Adadevoh, Delanyo. Approaches to Christianization in Africa: Hermeneutics in Ewe Christianity. u.s.a.: ilf Pubs., 2009. Adamo, David T. ed. Biblical Interpretation in African Perspective. Lanham, New York: Univ. Press of America, Inc., 2006. Adelekan, Tokumboh. African Wisdom: 101 Proverbs from the Motherland. Valley Forge, pa: Judson Press, 2004. Agbemenu, Cephas. Endangered African Proverbs Collections in Collection of 100 Ewe Proverbs: A Collection and Interpretation of Ewe Proverbs in Ewe and English with Illustrations. Nairobi, Kenya: Privately Printed, http://afriprov.org/index.php/ resources/e-books.html. Akoto, Dorothy BEA. A Review of Dell, Katharyn. Book of Proverbs in Social and Theological Context. Cambridge: Univ. Press, 2006, in Review of Biblical Literature (09/2009). ——. “Hearing Scripture in African Contexts: A Hermeneutic of Grafting” in Journal of Old Testament Essays, 20/2 (2007). ——. “Biblical Interpretation and Postcolonialism: A Hermeneutical Theo-Quake of Grafting” in Journal of Commonwealth and Postcolonial Studies Special Issue: Religion and Postcolonialism, vol. 15. Number 1. Spring 2008. ——. “Christianity in Ghana” in Cambridge Dictionary of Christianity, Daniel Patte, Cambridge, University Press, 2010a, 457–458. ——. “A Note on Qohelet 10:10b: Mitteilungen” Co-written with Timothy J. Sandoval in Zeitschrift Für Die Altestamentliche Wissenschaft. Walter de Gruyter (2010s, band 122), 90–95. ——. “The Book of Proverbs and Its Relationship to African-Ewe Proverbial Communication” in the Journal of the Interdenominational Theological Center. Sankofa: Inaugurating the Eight President of the itc, vol. 37. Issues 1 and 2 (2011), 43–68. ——. African Theology/ies: A Contemporary Mosaical Approach. Bloomington, Indiana: AuthorHouse Pubs. 2014. Akrofi, G.A., G.L. Botchey and B.K. Takyi, An English, Akan, Eʋe, Ga Dictionary. Accra, Ghana: Waterville Pub. House, Presbyterian Press, 1996. Albright, William Foxwell. Archaeology and the Religion of Israel. Baltimore: John Hopkins Univ. Press, 1942. Alster, Bendt. Die Urspprünge des israelistischen Rechts. bsaw 86/1 Leipzig, 1934. * Apart from the Hebrew passages chosen from the Hebrew wtt text all other Bible passages are from the New Revised Standard Version (nrsv) of the Bible. 180 Selected Bibliography ——. The Instructions of Surupak. Mesopotamia 2 Babylonian Wisdom Literature. Copenhagen Studies in Assyriology, 10. Akademisk Forlag: Copenhagen, 1974. Alt, Albrecht Georg. “The Origins of Israelite Law” in Essays in Old Testament History and Religion. Translated by Robert A. Wilson, New York: Garden City, 1967. Alter, Robert. The Art of Biblical Poetry. New York: Basic Books, 1985. Amali, Idris O.O. “The Image of Women in a Traditional African Society: A Case Study of Idoma Proverbs on Women” in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 17, pp. 27–42. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 2000. Amenumey, D.E.K. The Ewe in Pre-colonial Times: A Political History with Special Emphasis on the Anlo, Ge and Krepi. Ho, Ghana: E.P. Church Press Ltd., 1986, 1–3. Anderson, Bernhard. From Creation to New Creation. Minneapolis, mn: Augsburg Press, 1994. Ariarajah, Wesley S. Gospel and Culture: The On-going Discussion within the Ecumenical Movement. Geneva: w.c.c. Pubs., 1995. Aristotle. Nichomachean Ethics. Trans. and ed. Roger Crisp; New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2000. Aristotle XIX. The Nicomachean Ethics: With an English Translation by Harris Rackham Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press and London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1968. Asare, E.B. Akwamu-Peki Relations in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries. ma Thesis. Ghana, Legon, 1973. Baeta, C.G. “African Theology: What Is That? Presentations in the J.B. Danquah Memorial Lectures Series. Ghana: Accra-Tema, Ghana Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1981. Baker, David L. Tight Fists or Open Hands? Wealth and Poverty in the Old Testament Law. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2009. Barré, M. “‘Fear of God’ and the World View of Wisdom.” Biblical Theology Bulletin 11 (1981). Barton, George A. Archaeology and the Bible. 3rd Edition. Philadelphia: American Sunday School, 1920. Barton, John A. “Prophecy (Postexilic Hebrew),” in ed. David N. Freedman et al. Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 5, pp. 489–495, 1992. ——. Oracles of God: Perceptions of Ancient Prophecy in Israel after the Exile. London, 1986. Becker, Lawrence C. and Charlotte B. Becker, eds., “Prudence” in Encyclopedia of Ethics, vol. 3 P–W Indexes, pp. 1214–1215. New York: Routledge, 2001. Bedford-Pierce, Sophia. African Proverbs. Gifts Edition. White Plains, ny: Peter Pauper Press, 1993. Selected Bibliography 181 Bediako, Kwame. Theology and Identity: The Impact of Culture upon Christian Thought in the Second Century and in Modern Africa. Exeter, uk: Polester Wheatons Ltd., 1992, 1999. Ben-Amos, Dan. “Toward a Definition of Folklore in Context” in eds. Americo Paredes and Richard Bauman. Toward New Perspectives in Folklore, pp. 3–15. Austin, Texas: Univ. of Texas Press, 1972. Blenkinsopp, Joseph. Wisdom and Law in the Old Testament: The Ordering of Life in Israel and Judaism. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1983a. ——. A History of Prophecy in Israel. Philadelphia: pa, Fortress, 1983b. Boström, Lennart. The God of the Sages: The Portrayal of God in the Book of Proverbs. Old Testament Ser. 29. Stolkholm, Sweden: Alma Quist and Wiesel International, 1990. Brent A. Strawn, “Comparative Approaches: History, Theory and the Image of God” in eds. Joel M. LeMon and Kent Harold Richards. Method Matters: Essays on Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Honor of David L. Petersen. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2009. Bright, John. A History of Israel. 4th Edition. Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster John Knox, 2000. ——. “The Apodictic Prohibition: Some Observations” in Journal of Biblical Literature 92 (1973). Browne, R.E.C. “Humility” in ed. John Macquarrie a Dictionary of Christian Ethics. London, scm Press Ltd., 1967. ——. “Another Wisdom-”Book” in Proverbs” jbl 91.2 (June, 1972). Bryce, Glendon E. A Legacy of Wisdom: The Egyptian Contribution to the Wisdom of Israel. Lewisburg: Bucknell Univ. Press; London, Associated Univ. Presses, 1979. Budge, E. Wallis. Second Series of Facsimiles of Egyptian Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum Second Series. London: British Museum, 1923. Camp, Claudia and Carole Fontaine, “Proverbs, Introduction” in eds. Wayne A. Meeks et al. HarperCollins Study Bible. San Francisco: HarperSan Francisco, 1989. Carasik, Mark “Who Were the ‘Men of Hezekiah’ (Proverbs XXV 1)?” vt 44 (1994). Carr, David M. Writing on the Tablet of the Heart: Origins of Scripture and Literature. Oxford: Univ. Press, 2005. Chavalas, M.W. “Assyriology and Biblical Studies: A Century of Tension” in Mesopotamia and the Bible. eds. M.W. Chavalas and I.K. Younger Jr. Grand Rapids, mi: Baker, 2002. Christensen, Thomas. An African Tree of Life. New York: Maryknoll, 1990. Collins, John J. “The Crisis in Historiography in Biblical Studies” in The Bible after Babel: Historical Criticism in a Postmodern Age. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 2005. Cone, James H. God of the Oppressed. San Francisco: HarperCollins Pub. Co., 1975. 182 Selected Bibliography Cordry, Harold V. in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 17, pp. 441–444. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 2000. ——. The Multicultural Dictionary of Proverbs: Over 20,000 Adages from More Than 120 Languages, Nationalities and Ethnic Groups. Jefferson, nc: Mcfarland & Co Inc. Pub., 1997. Crenshaw, James L. “Proverbs, Book of” in ed. David Noel Freedman. vol. 5 of The Anchor Bible Dictionary, 6 vols, pp. 513–520. New York: Doubleday, 1992. Davie, William E. “Being Prudent and Acting Prudently,” in American Philosophical Quarterly, 10 (1973), 57–60. Davies, Philip R. In Search of “Ancient Israel”: A Study in Biblical Origins. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 148. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992. ——. Scribes and Schools: The Canonization of Hebrew Scriptures. Louisville, ky: Westminster/John Knox, 1998. Debrunner, H.W. A Church between Colonial Powers: A Study of the Church in Togo. London: Lutherworth Press, 1965. Delitzch, Frantz. Salomonisches Spruchbuch. Leipzig: Döffling and Franke, 1873. Reprinted Giessen and Basel: Brunnen Verlag, 1985. Dell, Katharine J. The Book of Proverbs in Social and Theological Context. Cambridge: Univ. Press, 2006. Derrida, Jacques. “The Ends of Man” in Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, vol. 30, pp. 31–57, 1969. ——. “Deconstruction and the Other” in ed. Richard Kearney. Dialogues with Contemporary Continental Thinkers: The Phenomenological Heritage of Paul Ricour, pp. 107–126. Manchester: Univ. of Manchester Press, 1984. ——. “Des Tour De Babel” in eds. David Jobling and Stephen D. Moore. PostStructuralism as Exegesis, pp. 3–34, Semeia 54. Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1992. Descartes, René. Meditations on First Philosophy. Translated by John Cottingham Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1996. ——. Principles of Philosophy, translated by V.R. Miller and R.P. Miller. Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1983. ——. The Geometry of René Descartes. Translated by David Eugene Smith and Marcia L. Lantham. New York: Dover Publications, 1954. ——. The Passions of the Soul. Translated by Stephen H. Voss. Indianapolis, in: Hackett Publishing Company, 1989. ——. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cogito_ergo_sum. Dickson, Kwesi A. Theology in Africa. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1984. Dube, Musa W. and Musimbi Kanyoro, eds. “Fifty Years of Bleeding: A Story-Telling Feminist Reading of Mark 5:24–43” in ed. Musa W. Dube. Others Ways of Reading: Selected Bibliography 183 African Women and the Bible, pp. 50–60. Society of Biblical Literature. Atlanta/ Geneva, wcc Pubs., 2001. ——. Grant Me Justice! hiv/aids & Gender Readings of the Bible. Maryknoll, New York: Cluster Pubs. & Orbis Books, 2004. ——. “Readings of Semoya: Batswana Women’s Interpretation of Matthew 15:1–28” in eds. Musa W. Dube & Gerald O. West (with Phyllis A. Bird). An Experimental Journal of Biblical Criticism: ‘Reading with’ African Overtures. Semeia, vol. 73, pp. 111–129. Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1996. Dzobo, Noah K. and Simon Amegashie-Viglo. The Triple Heritage of Contemporary Africa. Accra: Studio 7 kat, 2005. ——. “The Beginning of Life on God’s Farm” a paper presented at the Pittsburgh Theological Seminary, Pittsburgh: Pennsylvania, May 1995. ——. African Proverbs: A Guide to Conduct: The Moral Value of Ewe Proverbs, vol. 1. Cape Coast, Ghana: Cape Coast University Department of Education, 1973. Eissfeldt, Otto. Die Maschal in Alten Testament. Ein wortsgeschichteliche Untersuchung nebsteiner Literargeschichtlichen Untersuchung der mšl Genannten Gattungen “Volkssprichwort” und “Spottlied” in Alten Testament Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 24. Giessen: A. Töpelmann/Berlin: de Gruyter, 1913. Engnell, Ivan. “Planted by the Streams of Water. Some Remarks on the Interpretation of the Psalms as a Detail in Psalm 1” in Studia Orientalis Ioami Pedersen Dicata. Kobenhavn, 1953. ——. Studies in Divine Kingship in the Ancient Near East. Uppsala, 1951. Ericsson, Karl Anders, Neil Charness, Paul J. Feltovich and Robert R. Hoffmann eds. The Cambridge Handbook of Expertise and Expert Performance. Cambridge Univ. Press, 2006. Erman, Adolf. “Eine ägyptische Quelle der ‘Sprüche Salomos.” Sitzungsberichte der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil-hist. Klasse, vol. 15, pp. 86–93, 1924. Fichtner, J. Die altorientalische Weisheit in ihrer israelitisch-jüdischen Ausprägung: eine Studie zur Nationalisierung der Weisheit in Israel. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die altestamentliche Wissenschaft 62, 1933. Finnegan, Ruth. “Proverbs in Africa” in eds. Wolfgang Mieder and Alan Dundes. The Wisdom of Many. New York: Garland, 1981. ——. “Proverbs” in Oral Literature in Africa. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1970. Flanders, Henry Jackson et al. eds. People of the Covenant. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1988. Fontaine, Carole R. “The Sage in Family and Tribe” in eds. Gammie, John and Leo G. Perdue. The Sage in Israel and the Ancient Near East. Winona Lake, in.: Winona Lake Pubs., 1990. 184 Selected Bibliography ——. “Proverbs” in Harper Collins Bible Commentary eds. James L. Mays et al. Harper, SanFrancisco: Harper Collins, 1988. ——. “Proverb Performance in the Hebrew Bible.” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 32 (1985), pp. 87–103. ——. Traditional Sayings in the Old Testament: A Contextual Study. Bible and Literature 5. Sheffield: Almond Press, 1982. Fox, Michael V. Proverbs 10–31: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. The Anchor Yale Bible, vol. 18B. New Haven, ct: Yale University Press, 2009. ——. Proverbs 1–9: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. The Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 2000. ——. “The Social Location of the Book of Proverbs” in ed. Michael V. Fox et al. Texts Temples, and Traditions: A Tribute to Menahem Haran. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 1996. ——. “Two Decades of Research in Egyptian Wisdom Literature.” Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache 107b (1980). Freedman, David N. ed. The Anchor Bible Dictionary, 6 vols. New York: Doubleday, 1992. Frei, Hans W. The Eclipse of Biblical Narrative: A Study in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Hermeneutics. New Haven/London: Yale University, 1974. Gadamer, Hans Georg, in translated by Weinsheimer, Joel and ed. Donald G. Marshall. Truth and Method. 2nd rev. Edition. New York: Continuum, 1993. ——. Philosophical Hermeneutics. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1976. ——. Philosophical Hermeneutics. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1976. Gerstenberger, Erhart. Wesen und Herkunft des “apodiktischen Rechts.” NeukirchenVluyn, Germany: Neukirchener, 1965a. ——. “Covenant and Commandment.” in Journal of Biblical Literature 84 (1965b). Golka, Friedemann W..”Die israelitische Weisheitsschule oder ‘der Kaisers neue Kleider” Vetus Testamentum 33 (1983), 257–270. ——. The Leopard’s Spots: Biblical and African Wisdom in Proverbs. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993a. ——. “The Israelite Wisdom School or ‘The Emperor’s New Clothes’” in The Leopard’s Spots: Biblical and African Wisdom in Proverbs. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993b. Grabbe, Lester L. Priests, Prophets, Diviners, Sages: A Socio-historical Study of Religious Specialists in Ancient Israel. Valley Forge, pa: Trinity, 1995. Greengus, Samuel. Studies in Ishchali Documents. Bibliotheca Mesopotamica, vol. 19. Malibu, ca: Undena Publications, 1986. ——. “Filling the Gaps: Laws Found in Babylonia and in the Mishna but Absent in the Hebrew Bible” in Journal for the Study of Nouthwest Semitic Languages and Literatures Maarav, vol. 7. Rolling Hills Estates, ca, 1991. ——.“Law” in ed. Freedman, David N. et al. The Anchor Bible Dictionary. New York: Doubleday, 1992. Selected Bibliography 185 ——. “Some Issues Relating to the Comparability of Laws and the Coherence of the Legal Tradition” in ed. Bernard M. Levinson. Theory and Method in Biblical and Cuneiform Law: Revision, Interpolation and Development, Journal of the Study of Old Testament Supplement. Ser. 181. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Acad. Press, 1994. Gressmann, Hugo. “Die neugefundene Lehre des Amen-em-ope und die vorexilische Spruchdichtung Israels.” Zeitschrift für die altestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde des nachbiblischen Judentums 42 (1924a). ——. “Ägypten im Alten Testament Vorssiche Zeitung,” 22 (June 1924b). Hall, Elvajean. The Proverbs: A Selection. Illustrated by Charles Mozley. New York, n.y.: Franklin Watts, Inc., 1970. Haran, Menahem. “On the Diffusion of Literacy and Schools in Ancient Israel” in ed. John A. Emerton. Congress Vol. Jerusalem, 1986 [vt Sup. 40] (1988). Hassel, Gerhard. Basic Issues in the Current Debate. Grand Rapids, Michigan, William B. Eerdmans Pubs. Co., 1982. Hayes, John H. and Carl R. Holladay. Biblical Exegesis: A Beginner’s Handbook. Atlanta, Georgia: John Knox Press, 1987. Healey, Joseph and Donald Sybertz. in ed. Robert J. Schreiter. Toward an African Narrative Theology: Faith and Cultures. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books & Pauline Pubs., Africa, 1996. Hermisson, Hans-Jürgen. Studien zur israelitischen Spruchweisheit. Wissenchaftliche Monographien zum alten Und Neuen Testament 28. Neukirchen: Neukirchener Verlag, 1968. ——. “Sagasse et écoles” in Vetus Testamentum, vol. 34, 1984. Hinga, Teresa M. “Jesus Christ and the Liberation of Women in Africa” in ed. Mercy A. Oduyoye and Musimbi R.A. Kanyoro. The Will to Arise: Women, Tradition, and Church in Africa. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1992. Horsley, Richard A. Scribes, Visionaries and the Politics of Second Temple Judea. Louisville, ky: Westminster John Knox, 2007. Huffmon, Herbert B. “Prophecy in the Mari Letters.” Biblical Archaeologist Reader 3 (1970). ——. “Prophecy (ane)” in eds. David N. Freedman et al. Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 5. New York: Doubleday, 1992. ——. “Babel und Bibel” in eds. M.P. O’Connor and D.N. Freedman. The Bible and Its Traditions. Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1983. ——. “The Company of Prophets: Mari, Assyria, Israel” in ed. Martti Nissinen. Prophecy in Its Ancient Near Eastern Context: Mesopotamian, Biblical, and Arabian Perspectives. Symposium 13. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2000. Jamieson-Drake, David W. Scribes and Schools in Monarchic Judah: A Socioarchaeological Approach. Sheffield: Almond, 1991. 186 Selected Bibliography Kanyoro, Musimbi, R.A. “When Women Arise, the Earth Trembles,” in Claiming the Promise: African Churches Speak. Margaret S. Larom, ed. New York: Friendship Press, 1994, 63. Kayatz-Bauer, Christa. Studien zu Proverbien 1–9: Eine Form- und motivgeschichtliche Untersuchung unter Einbeziehung ägyptischen Vergleichsmaterials. NeukirchenVluyn, Germany: Neukirchener, 1966. Keel, Othmar. “Iconography and the Bible” in eds. David N. Freedman et al. Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 3, pp. 358–374. 1992. ——. The Symbolism of the Biblical World: Ancient Near Eastern Iconography and the Book of Psalms. Ann Arbor, mi: Eisenbrauns Pub. Co., 1997. Keenan, James F. “The Virtue of Prudence IIa IIae, qq. 47–56” in Stephen J. Pope ed. The Ethics of Aquinas. Washington, DC: Georgetown Univ. Press, 2002. 259–271. King, L.W. The Code of Hammurabi. Whitefish, mt: Kessinger, 2007. Kirszenberg, John. “Meditation and Spiritual Growth: The Tree of Knowledge” in http:// meditationandspiritualgrowth.com Powered by WordPress 2010 & 2011. Knappert, Jan. “Swahili Proverbs in Songs” in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 14, pp. 133–152. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1997. Kovacs, Brian W. “Is There a Class-Ethic in Proverbs?” in eds. James L. Crenshaw, Philip J. Hyatt and John T. Willis. Essays in Old Testament Ethics: J. Philip Hyatt in Memoriam, pp. 171–189. New York: ktav Pub. House, 1974. Krispenz, Jutta. Spruchkomposition im Buch Proverbia, Europäche Hochschulschriften, vol. 349. Frankfurt: Peterlang, 1989. Lambert, Wilfred G. Babylonian Wisdom Literature. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960. Larom, Margaret S. ed. Claiming the Promise: African Churches Speak. New York: Friendship Press, 1994. Lemaire, André Les Écoles et la formation de la Bible dans l’ancien Israel. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 39, Fribourg, Switzerland: Editions Universtaires. Göttingen: Vandenhoerck & Ruprecht, 1981. ——. “Sagasse et écoles”, Vetus Testamentum 34 (1984), 270–281. Levenson, Jon D. The Hebrew Bible, the Old Testament, and Historical Criticism: Jews and Christians in Biblical Studies. Loiusville, Kentucky: Westminster/John Knox, 1993. Levison, Jon R. and Priscilla Pope-Levison, “Global Perspectives on New Testament Interpretation” in ed. Joel B. Green. Hearing the New Testament: Strategies for Interpretation. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Pub., Co. 1995. Mafico, Temba J. Yahweh’s Emergence as Judge among the Gods: A Study of the Hebrew Root špṭ. Lewiston, Queenstown, Lampeter: Edwin Mellen Press, 2006. Selected Bibliography 187 Magesa, Laurenti. The African Religion: The Moral Traditions of Abundant Life. Nairobi, Kenya: Paulines Pubs., Africa, 1997. ——. Anatomy of Inculturation: Transforming the Church in Africa. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 2004. ——. Rethinking Mission: Evangelization in Africa in a New Era. Eldoret, Kenya: amecea Gaba Pubs., 2006. ——. African Religion in the Dialogue Debate: From Intolerance to Coexistence. Berlin, Germany: Lit Verlag Pubs., 2011. ——. What Is Not Sacred: African Spirituality? Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 2013. Magesa, Laurenti and Zablon John Nthamburi. Democracy and Reconciliation: A Challenge for African Christianity. Acton, ma: Acton Pubs., 1999. Martey, Emmanuel. African Theology: Inculturation and Liberation. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1996. Mayes, Andrew D.H. Text in Context: Essays by Members of the Society for Old Testament Study. Oxford, New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 2000. Mbiti, John S. African Religions and Philosophy. Nairobi, Kenya, London: Heinemann Educ. Pubs., 1979. ——. “God, Sin and Salvation in African Religion: A Lecture Delivered by The Rev. Prof. John Mbiti, At the Pan-African Christian Church Conference in Atlanta, Georgia, u.s.a., 17–23 July, 1988. ——. African Religions and Philosophy. 2nd Edition. Nairobi, Kenya, London: Heinemann Educ. Pubs., 1989. McCarthy, Dennis Joseph. Treaty and Covenant: A Study in Form in the Ancient Oriental Documents and in the Old Testament. Analecta Biblical 21A. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1978. McGlinchey, James M. The Teaching of Amen-em-ope and the Book of Proverbs: A Dissertation. Washington, d.c.: The Catholic Univ. of America Press, 1939. McInerny, Ralph. “Prudence and Conscience” in The Thomist 38. 1974, 291–305. McKane, William. Proverbs: A New Approach. Old Testament Library. Philadelphia, pa: Westminster Press and London: scm Press, 1970. Mettinger, Tryggve N.D. The Eden Narrative: A Literary and Religio-Historical Study of Genesis 2–3. Winona Lake, in: Eisenbrauns Pub. Co., 2007. Meyers, Carol L. “Tree of life” in ed. Paul J. Achtemeier. The HarperCollins Bible Dictionary. HarperSanFrancisco: Harper Collins Pub., 1985/1996. Mieder, Wolfgang, eds. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1984–2000. ——. The Prentice Hall Encyclopedia of World Proverbs. Upper Saddle River, nj: Prentice Hall, 1986. 188 Selected Bibliography ——. Proverbs Are Never out of Season: Popular Wisdom in the Modern Age. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993. ——. “International Bibliography of New and Reprinted Proverb Collections” in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 17. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 2000, 493–500. Mieder, Wolfgang, and Alan Dundes eds. The Wisdom of Many: Essays on the Proverb. New York: Garland, 1981. Monye, Ambrose A. “Proverb Usage: Kinds of Relationships” in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 3. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1986, 85–100. ——. “The Paucity of God-Based Proverbs in Aniocha” in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 6. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1989, 55–66. ——. “On the Structure of Aniocha Igbo Proverbs” in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 10. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1993, 119–214. Morenz, Siegried. Egyptian Religion. Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1973, 1992. Mugambi, J.N. Kanyua (Jesse Ndwiga Kanyua) and Anne Nasimiyu-Wasike. Moral and Ethical Issues in African Christianity: Explorative Essays in Moral Theology: Kenya: Sangana, 2003. Murphy, Roland E. The Tree of Life: An Exploration of Biblical Wisdom Literature. Anchor Bible Reference Library. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1990/1996/2002. ——. “Ancient Near Eastern Patterns in Prophetic Literature,” vt 27 (1977). ——. “Religious Dimensions of Israelite Wisdom” in air, 1987. ——. “Wisdom in the ot” in eds. David Noel Freedman et al. abd, vol. 6, 1992. ——. “Recent Research on Proverbs and Qohelet” in Currents in Research Biblical Studies 1, 1993. ——. Proverbs. Word Biblical Commentary 22. Nashville: Thomas Nelson Press, 1998. Naré, Larent. Proverbes, salomoniens et Proverbs mossi: Étude comparative à partir d’une nouvelle analyse de Pr 25–29. Publications Universitaires Européennes. Série 23, vol. 283. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1986. ——. “Scenarios of Pluralism – A Sociological Analysis” VI Plenary Assembly of the Catholic Biblical Federation. Lebanon (5 September 2002). Nasimiyu-Wasike, Anne. “Religious Ferment in East Africa” in A Cry for Life Spirituality of the Third World: Voices from the Third World, vol. XIV, No. 2 (December 1991). Selected Bibliography 189 Neagreanu, Constantin. “Some Aspects of Comparative Paremiological Research” in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 5. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1988, 159–166. Nelson, Daniel M. “Prudence” in Ethics. John K. Roth, ed. Pasadena, California: Salem Press, Inc., 1994, 2005, 1397–1401. Newsom, Carol A. The Self as Symbolic Space: Constructing Identity and Community at Qumran. stdj 52; Leiden: Brill, 2004. Niditch, Susan. Folklore and the Hebrew Bible. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993. ——. Oral World and Written Word: Ancient Israelite Literature. Louisville, ky: Westminster John Knox, 1996. Nielsen, Kirsten, There Is Hope for a Tree: The Tree as Metaphor in Isaiah. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement 65. Sheffield: Sheffield Academy jsot Press, 1989. Norrick, Neal R. How Proverbs Mean: Semantic Studies in English Proverbs. Berlin, New York, Amsterdam: Moulton Pubs., 1985. ——. in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 3, pp. 373–380. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1986. ——. “Speech Is Silver”: On the Proverbial View of Language” in eds. Wolfgang Mieder, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 14, pp. 277–288. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1997. Nissinen, Martti, ed. Prophecy in Its Near Eastern Context: Mesopotamian, Biblical and Arabian Perspectives. Society of Biblical Literature. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 2000. Nohrnberg James. Like unto Moses: Constituting of an Irruption. Bloomington, in: Indiana Univ. Press, 1995. Nussbaum, Martha C. “Traditions, Relativism, and Objectivity” in eds. Martha Nussbaum and Amartya Sen. The Quality of Life. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993. Nussbaum, Stan. The Wisdom and Philosophy of the Gikuyu Proverbs: The Kihooto Worldview. International Bulletin of Missionary Research. Nairobi: Paulines Pubs., 1997/1998. ——. African Proverbs Collections, Studies Bibliographies Version 1.01 for Windows cd #3 in the 20.21 Library Mission and Evangelism Resources on cd. Colorado Springs, 1996 in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 15, pp. 453–460. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1998. Nwachukwu-Agbada, J.O.J. “Achebe’s Literary Proverbs as Reflections of Igbo Cultural and Philosophical Tenets” in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 10, 190 Selected Bibliography pp. 215–236. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1993. Oduyoye, Mercy Amba. Hearing and Knowing: Theological Reflections on Christianity in Africa. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1986. Oesterly, W.O.E. The Wisdom of Egypt and the Old Testament in the Light of the Newly Discovered ‘Teaching of Amen-em-ope’. London: spck (1927). Kessinger Publishing, 1998. ——. The Book of Proverbs with Introduction and Notes.London: Menthuen & Co., 1929. Perdue, Leo G. “Proverbs” in Interpretation Bible Commentary. Louisville, ky: John Knox Press, 2000. Pobee, John. West Africa: Christ Would Be an African Too. Gospel and Culture. Pamphlet 9. Geneva: wcc Pubs., 1996. Pope, Stephen J. ed. “The Ethics of Aquinas.” Washington, dc: Georgetown Univ. Press,, 2002, 259–271. Posener, Georges. “Aménémopé 21, 13 et bj3j 3 au sens d’a”oracle.” Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 90, 1963. ——. “Une nouvelle tablette d’Aménémopé.” Review d’Egyptologie 25, 1973. Preuss, D. Ancient Near Eastern Texts relating to the Old Testament, ed. James B. Pritchard. 2nd Edition. Princeton and London, 1955. ——. Einführung in die altestamentliche Weisheit. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1987. Pritchard, James B. ed. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1950, 1969, with Supplement, 1978. Richert, Scott P. The Cardinal Virtues: The Four Hinges of the Moral Life in about.com Guide. Accessed October, 2013. Römheld, Diethard. Wege der Weisheit: Die Lehren Amenemopes und Proverbien 22:17– 24:22. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1989. Roth, John K. ed. Ethics: Revised Edition vol. 2. Pasadena, California, Hackensack, New Jersey: Salem Press Inc., 1994, 2005. Rorty, Richard. Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1979. ——. “Pragmatism, Relativism, and Irrationalism” in Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association, vol. 53, pp. 719–738, 1980. Sandoval, Timothy J. The Discourse of Wealth and Poverty in the Book of Proverbs. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2006. Sarpong, Peter A. Ghana in Retrospect. Tema, Ghana: Ghana Pub. Co., 1964. Schmid, Hans H. Wesen und Geschichte der Weisheit: eine Untersuchung zur altorientalischen und israelitischen Weisheitliteratur. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 101, 1966. Schmitt, Armin. Prophetischer Gottesbescheid in Mari und Israel. Beiträge zur Wissenschaften vom Alten und Neuen Testament 114. Stuttgart, 1982. Selected Bibliography 191 Schmitt, John J. “Pre-exilic Hebrew Prophecy,” in eds. David N. Freedman et al. The Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 5, pp. 482–489, 1992. Schreiter, Robert J. Constructing Local Theologies. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1986. Schüssler-Fiorenza, Elisabeth. Rhetoric and Ethic: The Politics of Biblical Studies. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1999. ——. Wisdom Ways: Introducing Feminist Biblical Interpretation. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 2001, 2006. Shupak, Nili. “The Book of Proverbs and Wisdom Literature,” Revue Biblique 94 (1987), pp. 98–119. ——. Where Can Wisdom Be Found? The Sage’s Language in the Bible and in the Ancient Egyptian Literature Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 130. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Repurecht, 1993. ——. Ancient Egyptian Literature 2 (2011), 224–230. Simpson, William Kelley ed. The Literature of Ancient Egypt: An Anthology of Stories, Instructions, Stelae, Autobiographies and Poetry – Ancient Egyptian Literature. 2nd Edition. New Haven, ct, 1973. Sonsino, Rifat. “Forms of Biblical Law” in ed. David N. Freedmann et al. Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 4, pp. 252–254. ny: Doubleday, 1992. Stendahl, Krister “Biblical Theology, Contemporary” in eds. George A. Butterick et al. Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 1, pp. 418–432. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1962. Stewart, Dianne. Wisdom from Africa: A Collection of Proverbs. New York, ny: Random House Struik, 2005. Stewart, Julia and Todd H. Schaffer. African Proverbs and Wisdom: A Collection of Everyday of the Year, from More Than Forty African Nations. Kensington, md: Kensington Pubs., 2002. Strawn, Brent. What Is Stronger Than a Lion? Leonine Image and Metaphor in the Hebrew Bible and Ancient Near East. Germany: Academic Press, Fribourg, 2005. ——. “Comparative Approaches: History, Theory, and the Image of God” in eds. Joel M. LeMon and Kent Harold Richards. Method Matters: Essays on the Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Honor of David L. Peterson. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2009, 117–142. Taylor, Archer. “The Wisdom of Many and the Wit of One” in ed. Wolfgang Mieder and Allan Dundes. The Wisdom of Many: Essays on the Proverb. New York: Garland, 1981. Tiffany, Frederick C. and Sharon H. Ringe. Biblical Interpretation: A Roadmap. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1996. Tillich, Paulus Johannes. The Courage to Be: With an Introduction by Peter J. Gomes. New Haven & London: Yale Univ. Press, 2000. Toelken, Barre. The Dynamics of Folklore. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1979. 192 Selected Bibliography Ukpong, Justin S. African Theologies Now: A Profile. Eldoret, Kenya: 1984. ——. “The Parable of the Shrewd Manager (Luke 16:1–13): An Essay in the Inculturation Biblical Hermeneutic” in eds. Musa W. Dube and Gerald O. West (with Phyllis A. Bird). An Experimental Journal of Biblical Criticism: ‘Reading with’ African Overtures. Semeia 73. Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1996. Van Leeuwen, Raymond C. “The Book of Proverbs: Introduction, Commentary, and Reflections” in New Interpreter’s Bible. Vol. 5: Introduction to Wisdom Literature: The Book of Proverbs, the Book of Ecclesiates, the Song of Songs, the Book of Wisdom, The Book of Sirach. Nashville, tn: Abingdon, 1997. ——. Context and Meaning in Proverbs 25–27. Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series 96. Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1988. Von Rad, Gerhard. “Wisdom in Israel. London: Studies in the Christian Movement, 1972. ——. “The Beginnings of Historical Writing in Ancient Israel” in The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays. New York: McGraw Hill, 1966. Walton John. Ancient Near Eastern Thought and the Old Testament: Introducing the Conceptual World of the Hebrew Bible. Grand Rapids, mi: Baker House, 2006. Wanjohi, Gerald J. A Book Review of Stan Nussbaum. The Wisdom and Philosophy of the Gikuyu Proverbs: The Kihooto Worldview. Nairobi, Kenya: Paulines Pubs., 1997/1998 in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 16. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1999, 415–416. Washington, Harold C. Wealth and Poverty in the Instruction of Amen-em-ope and the Hebrew Proverbs. Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1994. Weeks, Stuart. Early Israelite Wisdom. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1994. Weinfeld, Moshé. The Place of Law in the Religion of Ancient Israel. Leiden/New York: Brill, 2004. Wellhausen, Julius. Prolegomena to the History of Ancient Israel. New York: Meridian Books. 1957. Reprint of Prolegomena to the History of Ancient Israel (translated by J. Sutherland Black and Allan Enzies, with preface by W. Robertson Smith; Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black, 1885; trans. of Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels. 2nd Edition. Berlin: G. Reimer, 1883. West, Gerald O. “The Relationship between Different Modes of Reading and the Ordinary Reader.” in Scriptura S 9 (1991), pp. 87–110. ——. “Mapping African Biblical Interpretation: A Tentative Sketch.” in eds. Gerald O. West & Musa W. Dube. The Bible in Africa: Transactions, Trajectories and Trends. Boston, Leiden: Brill Academic Pubs. Inc., 2000, 29–53. ——. The Academy of the Poor: Toward a Dialogical Reading of the Bible. Pietermaritzburg, South Africa: Cluster Pubs. 2003. Selected Bibliography 193 ——. “The Bible in South African Black Theology” in ed. David T. Adamo. Biblical Interpretation in African Perspective. Lanham: New York, Univ. Press of America, Inc. 2006. Westberg, Daniel. Right Practical Reason: Aristotle, Action, and Prudence in Aquinas. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1994. Westermann, Claus. “Weisheit im Sprichwort,” in ed. K.-H. Bernhardt. Schalom Studien zu Glaube und Geschichte Israels. Stuttgart: Calwer, 1971. Reprinted in Forschung am Alten Testament, Gesammelte Studien II tbat 55; Munich: Kaiser, 1974. ——. Wurzeln der Weisheit. Die altesten Spruche Israels und anderen Volker. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1990. —— . Wurzeln der Weisheit (Göttingen, 1990). Reviewed by Michael V. Fox, in Journal of Biblical Literature, 111 (1992), pp. 529–532. ——. Roots of Wisdom: The Oldest Proverbs of Israel and Other Peoples. Westminster/ John Knox, 1995. Whitelam, Keith. The Invention of Ancient Israel: The Silencing of Palestinian History. London: Routledge, 1996. Whybray, Roger N. Wisdom in Proverbs: The Concept of Wisdom in Proverbs 1–9. sbt 45; London: Studies in the Christian Movement, 1965. ——. The Intellectual Tradition in the Old Testament Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 135. Berlin, de Gruyter 1974a. ——. The Intellectual Tradition in the Old Testament. Berlin, de Gruyter, 1974b. ——. in eds. Clines, David J.A. and Philip R. Davies. The Composition of the Book of Proverbs. jsot Sup. 168. Sheffield: jsot Press, 1994a. ——. Proverbs. Grand Rapids, mi: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1994b. ——. Wealth and Poverty in the Book of Proverbs, jsot Sup 99. Sheffield: Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Press, 1990. ——. “Thoughts on the Composition of Proverbs 10–29” in ed. Eugene Ulrich et al. Priests, Prophets and Scribes: Essays on the Formation and Heritage of Second Temple Judaism in Honor of Joseph Blenkinsopp. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement. 149. Sheffield: jsot Press, 1992. ——. The Book of Proverbs: A Survey of Modern Study. New York: e.j. Brill, 1995. Widengren, Geo. The King and the Tree of Life in Ancient Near Eastern Religion. Uppsala, 1951. Williams, R.J. “The Sages of Ancient Egypt in the Light of Recent Scholarship.” Journal of Ancient Oriental Studies 101 (1981). Wilson, Robert R. Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1980. Yankah, Kwesi. “Proverb Speaking As a Creative Process: The Akan of Ghana” in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 3. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1986, 195–230. 194 Selected Bibliography ——. The Proverb in Akan Rhetoric: A Theory of Proverb Praxis. New York: Peter Lang, 1989a. ——. Proverbs: ‘Problems and Strategies in Field Research” in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 6, pp. 165–176. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1989b. ——. in eds. Mieder, Wolfgang, Galit Hasan-Rokem and Janet Sobieski. Proverbium: Yearbook of International Proverb Scholarship, vol. 7. Burlington, Vermont: Univ. of Vermont Department of German and Russian, 1990, 295–298. Yoder, Christine Roy. Wisdom as a Woman of Substance: A Socioe Reading of Proverbs 1–9 and 31:10–31. Biehefte zur Zeitschrift fur die Altestamentliche Wissenschaft, 304; Berlin W. De Gruyter, 2001. http://www.afriprov.org. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/23-1998proverbs/ 135-september-1998-proverb.html. http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/26-2000proverbs/ 152-march.html. http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/27/2001proverbs/ 164-mar.html. http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/26-2000proverbs/ 152-march2000.html http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/30-2004proverbs/ 200-apr 2004.html. http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/32-2006proverbs/ 232-december-2006-proverb-qunity-is-strength--ganda-uganda-.html. http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/19-2008proverbs/ 388-july 2008.html. http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/42-2009proverbs/ 475-sep-2009-qq-.html. http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-proverb-of-the-month/46-2010 apotm/553-afpotmnov 2010.html. http://afritorial.com/the-best-72-african-wise-proverbs. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.allthingsghana.com/ewe-proverbs. Accessed October, 2013. http:// www.answersafrica/african-proverbs-meaning. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_proverb/182397.htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_proverb/60538.htm. http:// www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ewe_people. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.listofproverbs.com/source/e/egyptian_proverb/92190.htm. Selected Bibliography 195 http://www.quotationspage.com. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/b/african_bondei_proverb/ 163588..htm, and http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/b/african _buganda_proverb/19186.htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/c/african_cameroonian_proverb/ 63047.htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/c/african_cameroonian_proverb/ 188818.htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_cameroonian_proverb/ 191869.htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_congo_proverb/ 147857.htm. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/e/african_egyptian_proverb/ 189084.htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/f/african_fulani_proverb/91274 .htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/g/african_ghanaian_proverb/ 163628.htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/g/african_gambia_proverb/ 176467.htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/g/african_ganda_proverb/ 178595.htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_gikuyu_proverb/ 177244.htm. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_ovambo_proverb/ 73109.htm. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_swahili_proverb/ 62747.htm. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/k/african_kenyan_proverb/ 87577.htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_kikuyu_proverb/ 177248.htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/w/african_west_african_proverb/ 91274.htm. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_wolof_proverb/ 73112.htm. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.special-dictionary.com/proverbs/source/a/african_zulu_proverb/62750 .htm. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.worldofafrica.com/proverbs/african. Accessed October, 2013. http://www.worldofquotes.com/proverbs/african. Accessed October, 2013. Index of Ancient Sources Old Testament (ot) Genesis 2:9 3 3:22, 24 12:6 13:18 Exodus Deuteronomy Judges 6:11 1 Samuel 25:8 30:12 2 Samuel 5:11 1 Kings 2 Kings 1 Chronicles 2 Chronicles 8–9 Ezra Nehemiah 4 4 4 2 2 Esther Job 8:2 Psalms 7:15 Proverbs 32 32 2 2 2 4 4 4 4 4 32 32 32 151 167 1:7 172 1–9, 7, 25 140 2–3 77 3:18 4 10–31145, 146, 147, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 164, 170, 174 10:1–22:16 140 11:1–6 154 11:30 4 12:11 146 12:18 153 13:12 4 15: 1 153 15:4 4 15:16 158 15:18 153 16:18 158 16:24 153 19:1 158 21:9 160 21:19 159 22:22, 23 168 23:29 159 23:30 159 24:4, 5 149 25–296, 13, 29, 34, 88, 132, 133, 141–144, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 167, 171, 172, 174, 175, 177 25:1 133 25:1–29:27 5, 32, 33, 38, 140 25:4, 4–5 148, 149, 158 197 Index Of Ancient Sources 25:6 25:6–7 25:7 25:7a 25:8–9 25:7c, 8–10 25:10 25:11 25:11–12 25:11–13 25:13 25:14 25:17 25:18 25:24 25:25 25–27 26:1–12 26:4, 5, 8 26:13–16 26:17 26:21 26:27 27:1 27:1–2 27:5 27:15 27:10 27:18 28:4–5 28:5 28:6 28:9, 9–10 28:10 28:19, 19b 29:7 29:9 29:12, 14, 16 29:23 156 155 15 158 162 163, 164 163 165 164 165 164 151, 152 170, 171, 172 165 157, 159, 160 165 149, 161 161 160, 161, 162 144, 145 170, 171, 172 159 167 156 154, 155 157, 158 159 157, 158 146, 147, 148 172 167 157, 158 167, 168 167, 168 146, 147, 148 167, 168 160 169, 170 155 Ecclesiastes/Qohelet 10:4 10:8 Isaiah 41:19 44:14 28:4 Daniel Hosea 4:12 153 167 4 4 2 32 2 apocrypha Books Ben-Sira 2:12 51:23 2 Esdras 2:12 8:52 157 140 4, 5 4, 5 4 Maccabees 18:16 4 New Testament (nt) 1 Corinthians 12:12–26 12:12ff Revelations 2:7 22:2, 14, 19 77 123 4 4 Index of Modern Authors Adadevoh, Delanyo 6, 7, 18, 19, 20, 179 Adamo, David T. 6, 25, 179, 192 Adelekan, Tokumboh 179 Agbemenu, Cephas 179 Akoto, Dorothy bea (Abutiate) 1, 3, 17, 18, 24, 179 Akrofi, G.A. 39, 43, 63, 109, 179 Albright, William Foxwell 179 Alster, Bendt 179 Alt, Albrecht Georg 180 Alter, Robert 145 Amali, Idris O.O. 43, 180 Amegashie-Viglo, Simon 32, 33, 182 Amenumey, D.E.K. 31, 180 Anderson, Bernhard 11, 180 Aquinas, Thomas 90, 180 Ariarajah, Wesley S. 27, 28, 180 Aristotle 63, 89, 90, 109, 156 Asare, E.B. 31, 180 Baeta, C.G. 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 180 Baker, David L. 180, 181, 191 Barré, M. 180 Barton, George 180 Barton, John A. 180 Baumen, Richard 37 Becker, Charlotte B. 89, 90, 156, 157, 180 Becker, Lawrence C. 89, 90, 156, 157, 180 Bedford-Pierce, Sophia 180 Bediako, Kwame 25, 26, 175 Ben-Amos, Dan 37 Blenkinsopp, Joseph 180, 192 Botchey, G.L. 39, 43, 63, 109, 179 Boström, Lennart 181 Bright, John 181 Browne, R.E.C. 64, 151 Bryce, Glendon E. 181 Byrd, Phyllis A. 21, 182, 191 Budge, E.Wallis 181 Butterick, George A. 10, 190 Camp, Claudia Carasik, Mark Carr, David M. Charness, Neil 133 181 181 183 Chavalas, M.W. 181 Christensen, Thomas G. 4, 27, 28, 128, 181 Collins, John J. 181 Cone, James H. 14, 181 Cordry, Harold V. 181 Cottingham, John 175 Crenshaw, James L. 136, 137, 181, 185 Crisp, Roger 63 Danquah, J.B. 15 Davie, William E. 90, 157 Davies, Philip R. 181, 182 Debrunner, H.W. 182 Delitzch, Frantz. 182 Dell, Katharine J. 179,182 Derrida, Jacques. 12, 13, 182 Descartes, René 175 Dickson, Kwesi A. 7, 14, 15, 17, 18, 20, 182 Dube, Musa W. 21, 26, 182, 191 Dundes, Alan 38, 183, 187, 190 Dzobo, Noah K. 3, 8, 19, 20, 32–36, 38, 40–41, 44–47, 49–52, 54, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 69–72, 74–81, 83, 84, 86, 87, 91–108, 111–114, 117–119, 121–126, 128, 130, 131, 147, 162, 164, 171–172, 182 Eissfeldt, Otto 137, 182 Emerton, John A. 138, 184 Engnell, Ivan 3, 5, 182 Ericsson, Karl Anders 44, 183 Erman, Adolf 183 Feltovich, Paul J. 183 Fichtner, J. 183 Finnegan, Ruth 38, 135, 183 Flanders, Henry Jackson 183 Fontaine, Carole R. 136, 137, 139, 181, 183 Fox, Michael V. 134–140, 145, 146, 147, 149–155, 157–162, 164, 165, 168, 170, 171, 172, 183, 192 Freedman, David N. 180, 181, 183, 184, 185, 187, 190 Frei, Hans W. 183 199 Index Of Modern Authors Gadamer, Hans Georg 13, 183 Gammie, John 137, 183 Gerstenberger, Erhart 184 Golka, Friedemann W. 5, 72, 106, 130, 134, 136, 137, 138, 140, 153, 157, 184 Grabbe, Lester L. 184 Greengus, Samuel 184 Gressmann, Hugo 184 Hall, Elvajean 184 Haran, Menahem 134, 138, 183, 184 Harris, William W. 174 Hasan-Rokem, Galit 42, 43, 142, 180, 181, 185, 187–193 Hassel, Gerhard 11, 184 Hayes, John 11 Healey, Joseph 184 Hermisson, Hans Jürgen 135, 138, 139, 140, 184 Hinga, Teresa M. 17, 185 Holladay, 11 Horsley, Richard A. 185 Hoffman, Robert R. 183 Huffmon, Herbert B. 185 Hyatt, Philip J. 137, 185 Jamieson-Drake, David W. Jobling, David 12, 182 134, 185 Kanyoro, Musimbi R.A. 17, 37, 38, 182, 185 Kayatz-Bauer, Christa 185 Kearney, Richard 13, 182 Keel, Othmar 185 Keenan, James F. 90 King, L.W. 185 Kirszenberg, John 3, 84, 185 Knappert, Jan 185 Kovacs, Brian W. 136, 137, 185 Krispenz, Jutta 185 Lambert, Wilfred G. 185 Lantham, Marcia L. 175 Larom, Margaret S. 37 Lemaire, André 134, 138, 140, 185 LeMon, Joel M. 141, 181, 190 Levenson, Jon D. 186 Levison, Jon R. 186 Macquarrie, John 64, 151, 181 Mafico, Temba J. 6, 186 Magesa, Laurenti 186 Marshall, Donald G. 13, 183 Martey, Emmanuel 20, 21, 22, 186 Mayes, Andrew D.H. 12, 186 Mbiti, John S. 2, 6, 9, 10, 23, 109, 166, 175, 186 McCarthy, Dennis J. 186 McGlinchey, James M. 186 McInerny, Ralph 90 McKane, William 149, 151, 162, 164, 168, 186 Mettinger, Tryggve N.D. 186 Meyers, Carol L. 187 Mieder, Wolfgang 37, 38, 42, 142, 180, 181, 183, 185, 187–193 Miller, V.R. 175 Miller, R.P. 175 Monye, Ambrose A. 42, 187 Morenz, Siegfried 187 Moore, Stephen D. 12 Mugambi, J.N. Kanyua (Jesse Ndwiga Kanyua) 187 Murphy, Roland E. 3, 161, 187 Nackabah, Jonh 174 Naré, Larent 5, 135, 188 Nasimiyu-Wasike, Anne 187, 188 Neagreanu, Constantin 142, 188 Nelson, Daniel M. 90 Newsom, Carol A. 188 Niditch, Susan 37 Nielsen, Kirsten 4 Norrick, Neal R. 188 Nissinen, Martti 185, 188 Nohrnberg, James 188 Nussbaum, Martha C. 109, 188 Nussbaum, Stan 188 Nwachukwu-Agbada. J.O.J. 189 Oduyoye, Mercy Amba 17, 22, 23 Oesterly, W.O.E. 189 Oppong, Kwame S. 174 Paredes, Americo 37 Paul 77, 123 Perdue, Leo G. 137, 138, 140 Petersen, David L. 141 200 Pobee, John 16 Pope, Stephen J. 90 Posener, Georges 189 Preuss, D. 135 Pritchard, James B. 189 Rackham, Harris 89, 156 Richards, Kent Harold 141 Richert, Scott P. 90 Ringe, Sharon H. 12 Robertson, Smith W. 191 Römheld, Diethard 189 Rorty, Richard 13 Sandoval, Timothy J. 38, 136, 137, 139, 140, 146, 158, 159, 168 Sarpong, Peter A. 174, 189 Schaffer, Todd H. 190 Schmid, Hans H. 189 Schmitt, Armin 189 Schmitt, John J. 190 Schreiter, Robert J. 14, 184, 190 Schüssler-Fiorenza, Elisabeth 11, 190 Sen, Amartya 109, 188 Shupak, Nili 138 Simpson, William K. 190 Smith, David E. 175 Sobieski, Janet 142 Sonsino, Rifat 190 Stendahl, Krister 10, 11 Stewart, Dianne 190 Stewart, Julia 190 Strawn, Brent A. 141, 142, 181, 190 Swatson, John 174 Sybertz, Donald 184 Index of Modern Authors Takyi, B.K. 39, 43, 63, 109, 179 Tani, Grace 174 Taylor, Archer 37, 38 Tiffany, Frederick C. 12 Tillich, Paulus Johannes 190 Toelken, Barre 37 Ukpong, Justin S. 21, 22 Van Leeuwen, Raymond C. 149, 161, 191 Von Rad, Gerhard 135, 137, 138, 140, 146, 172 Voss, Stephen H. 175 Walton, John 191 Wanjohi, Gerald J. 191 Washington, Harold C. 5, 135, 137, 138, 139 Weeks, Stuart 137 Weinfeld, Moshé 191 Weinsheimer, Joel 13, 183 Wellhausen, Julius 191 West, Gerald O. 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 182, 191 Westberg, Daniel 90 Westermann, Claus 5, 135, 136, 137, 146, 192 Whitelam, Keith 192 Whybray, Roger N. 134, 135, 137, 138, 140 Widengren, Geo 3 Williams, R.J. 192 Willis, John T. 136, 137 Wilson, Robert R. 192 Yankah, Kwesi 5 Yoder, Christine Roy 193 Index of Subjects Acculturation 2, 22, 23 Act-Consequence 51, 59, 96, 99, 120, 122, 146, 147, 148, 150, 164n66, 169, 175 A/ETR/s 6–10, 19, 20 African cultural context 2, 9, 15, 16, 18, 21–26, 29, 38, 173 African Independent Churches (aics) 174, 175 Amenemopé 5n15, 135n9, 189 ane 3n9, 11, 141, 185 Anoma-senegalensis 4n10, 28 Baobab 2, 3, 83, 84, 84n91, 123 Ben-Sira 140, 140n24, 157n52 Bola 24, 24n58, 26, 28 Cardinal 33, 89, 90, 90n5 Charismatic Movement 174, 175 Chief 50, 51, 61, 67, 68, 70, 75, 76, 97, 101, 117, 120, 122, 149, 150, 153 Christianization 6n16, 18, 18n41, 19, 19n42–44, 20, 20n45, 179 Communality 109, 110, 113, 120 Contemporary 5, 10n21, 11, 11n23, 12, 13, 17, 24n57, 32n4, 142, 173, 175, 179, 182, 190 Dichotomy 7 Education 3n7, 23, 32n4, 42, 73, 81, 83, 92, 92n9, 104, 112, 116, 129, 134, 134n4, 136, 136n11, 138n15, 139, 140, 140n23, 176, 182 Egyptian 31n3, 69n65, 128n66, 137, 138n15, 139n19, 154n46, 181, 183, 187, 190 Enlightenment 137, 137n13, 175 Epidemic 7 Esdras 4, 5 “Farm” 134, 135, 139n18 Folly 160, 161 Foolishness 161, 162 Gong-gong 1, 2, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 20–23, 26, 28, 29, 30, 34, 36, 38, 133, 140, 142, 147, 159, 166, 171, 173, 174, 176, 177, 178 Good life 48, 59, 88, 143, 148, 150, 176 Hearing 1n2, 17n37, 18n40, 22, 22n51–52, 23n53–56, 168, 179, 186, 189 Hermeneutic of grafting 1, 2, 13–16, 18, 20–23, 26, 28–30, 34, 36, 38, 133, 140, 142, 147, 159, 166, 171, 173, 174, 176–179 Hermeneutic orientations 1, 6, 9, 18, 21, 28, 29, 179 Dignity 8, 19, 48–50 Identity 7, 25, 25n61, 26, 28, 29, 175n86, 180, 188 Inculturation 2, 20, 20n46, 21, 21n49, 22, 23, 28, 29, 186, 191 Indigenization 2, 24, 25 Interaction 12, 18, 19, 20, 24 Islam 173 King/s 3, 31, 31n3, 32, 65n62, 71n68, 92, 138, 148, 148n37, 149, 153, 153n42, 155, 156, 158n53, 169, 170, 185, 192 Knowing 22, 22n51, 23, 53–56, 45, 90, 104, 154, 163, 168n74, 171, 189 Laziness 44, 47, 48, 49n35, 50, 50n37, 55, 59, 143–146, 150 Lazy 41, 47–49, 53, 59, 61, 105, 130, 144, 145, 145n30–31, 146, 148, 150 Leopard 5, 69, 70, 72, 106n34, 130, 130n70, 136n10–11, 140n23, 153, 153n45, 157n52, 184 Liberation 17n39, 20, 20n46, 21, 23, 185, 186 Living dead 27 Mesopotamia 134, 136, 139, 140, 180, 181, 185, 188 Missionary Religion 15 Moral value 3, 5, 8, 10, 23, 24, 32, 32n4, 33, 35, 89, 92n9, 156, 182 Moral virtues 5, 40, 63, 77, 89 Netherworld 2 New Religious Movements/nrms Pagan 15, 23 Palm wine, Tapper 60, 61, 62 174, 175 202 Index of Subjects Pentecostalism 174 Persian Period 133 Personal experience 38, 62, 101n26, 123, 146, 147n36, 149, 153, 169 Proverbs’ ‘shoots’ 19, 35, 144, 151, 157, 167 Tree/s of life 1–3, 3n9, 4, 4n10–11, 5, 10, 13, 18, 19 21, 23, 26, 28, 28n65, 29, 31–35, 88, 89, 110, 128n65, 132, 133, 141–143, 147, 150, 152, 156, 157, 167, 169, 172, 173, 176–178, 181, 187, 192 Traditional religion Ubuntu 6, 19, 173 Reincarnation 7, 8 Retributive justice 169, 175 Rhetoric 5, 11n22, 15, 34, 36, 59, 143, 157, 167, 168, 177, 190, 193 Righteous/ness 4, 149, 168 Royal 128, 134, 136, 136n11, 137n13, 138, 138n15, 139, 139n19, 140, 148, 153, 155 Sages 139n19, 142, 146, 157, 158, 162, 181, 184, 192 Salvation 9, 9n20, 20, 22, 28, 175, 186 “School” 135, 135n7, 136, 137, 139n18 Secular 7, 10, 166, 176 “Sentence sayings” 6, 29, 133, 138, 138n14, 140 Shame/d/ful 61, 96, 97, 162, 163 Solomon/ic 4, 31, 133, 136n10, 137n13, 138 Soré/tree 4n10, 28, 28n65 Smoke without fire 7, 96 Succeed 7, 34, 42, 46, 50, 52–59, 62, 73, 79, 83, 88, 96, 115, 116, 131, 132, 147 Tabula rasa 16 Theosophical Worldview 8 Tongue 4, 54, 56, 129, 131, 153, 153n42, 174 Transaction 24–26, 26n62, 27 Transformation 10, 20, 23, 174 Transplantation 27–29 175 Veneration 6, 173 Vice 7, 9, 10, 21, 25, 26, 34, 47, 51n39, 53, 63, 64, 84, 88, 95, 96, 108, 110, 126, 143, 168, 175, 176 Virtue of Diligence 34, 43, 47–50, 53, 59n48, 63, 88, 143, 146–148 Virtue of Humility 34, 42, 61–64, 67n64, 68, 71n68, 72, 74, 77, 77n78, 78, 79, 80, 82, 97, 127, 150–156 Virtue of Prudence 34, 89, 90, 90n4, 91–95, 97, 98, 102, 132, 156, 157, 160, 165n68 Virtue of Sociability 77n78, 80n87, 81, 109, 112–114, 116, 118–120, 123, 124, 129–132, 166–170 Vitality 130–132, 167 Welfare 123, 124, 173 Wicked 31, 149, 150, 167–170 Wisdom, Wisdom Literature 3, 5, 138n15, 180, 183, 185, 187, 190, 191 Woman 4, 8, 33, 41, 56, 70, 82, 87, 91 92, 92n9, 93, 95, 96, 101, 101n26, 104, 108, 120, 141, 142, 158, 158n54, 159, 160, 193 Women 17, 17n39, 21, 37n13, 40, 42, 43, 43n26, 54, 68, 74, 75, 85, 92, 92n9, 93, 101n26, 129, 129n67, 158n54, 159, 160, 174, 180, 182, 185