Mr. Negri emerged as a leading intellectual figure in Italy in the late 1960s, when he was a philosophy
professor at the University of Padua. The postwar generation was coming of age, and many on the left
were looking for new answers beyond the traditional socialism and communism of their parents.
Not content to remain in the classroom, he helped organize Potere Operaio, a movement that in its
ideology went beyond the labor politics of traditional communism to call for an end to wage labor itself.
“We would stand in front of the factories at 5 in the morning,” he said in an interview for “Antonio Negri:
A Revolt That Never Ends,” a 2004 documentary about his career, directed by Andreas Pichler and
Alexandra Weltz. “Afterward I would take the car back to Padua, tie my tie and live my academic life.”
The movement picked up speed, and in 1969 it exploded into a series of sometimes violent strikes at
factories in industrial cities like Turin, as well as into street battles in Rome and Milan. Mr. Negri cheered
it all on, speaking of an imminent “revolutionary horizon” when groups like his would synchronize with
social movements, like feminism, to bring about dramatic change.
The Italian government, sometimes in alliance with neo-fascist organizations, fought back, setting off a
decade-long quasi-civil war known in Italy as the Years of Lead. The police cracked down on protesters,
beating and arresting them, while paramilitary groups staged attacks to make it appear that the far left
was responsible, including a 1969 bombing in Milan that killed 16 people.
The left’s violence, which Mr. Negri neither condemned nor condoned, continued in response. In 1978, a
splinter faction, the Red Brigades, kidnapped Aldo Moro, a former prime minister who was the chairman
of the centrist Christian Democratic Party. Nearly two months later, he was found murdered.
The police rounded up scores of left-wing activists, including, in 1979, Mr. Negri, who was taken to a
maximum-security prison in Rome. Originally charged with leading the Red Brigades and helping to
organize the kidnapping, he was held for nearly four years without trial.
During that time he returned to writing, turning out several long essays on the Dutch philosopher
Baruch Spinoza. He also began rethinking some of his basic assumptions about Marxism.
In 1983, he was elected to Parliament on the slate of the Radical Party, a result that gave him immunity
from prosecution. But after Parliament voted to waive that immunity, prosecutors charged him with two
murders unrelated to the Moro case, as well as with writing incendiary material. The charges specifically
related to the Moro case were dropped for lack of evidence.
Mr. Negri fled to France, which refused to extradite him. He taught at universities in Paris and became a
friend of, and a collaborator with, theorists like Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari.
He also met Mr. Hardt, who was living in Paris at the time. They both believed that the end of the Cold
War called for a new Marxist framework of analysis, one that accounted for what they saw as the
weakening of the nation-state in the face of global capital.
Their proposal was what they called empire — not a single entity or place but a fluid, controlled form of
power structures that moved easily among governments, corporations and international institutions, like
the World Bank.
“Empire,” which Mr. Negri wrote with the Duke
University literature professor Michael Hardt, secured
him a permanent slot among the global progressive
intelligentsia. The New York Times