Center and Periphery in the Ottoman Empire: With Special Reference to the Nineteenth Century Author(s): Metin Heper Source: International Political Science Review / Revue internationale de science politique , 1980, Vol. 1, No. 1, Studies in Systems Transformation (1980), pp. 81-105 Published by: Sage Publications, Ltd. Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1600742 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Sage Publications, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Political Science Review / Revue internationale de science politique This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms CENTER AND PERIPHERY IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE With Special Reference to the Nineteenth Century METIN HEPER The article takes issue with two hypotheses often claimed in the literature-that the Ottoman centuries extending from the sixteenth to the nineteenth evince a progressive development from a centralized to a quasi-feudal polity, and that during the course of the nineteenth century progress had been made toward a constitutional government. It is noted that throughout the period in question, in fact, two types of relationship existed between the center and the periphery: power politics and a degenerated form of patron- client relationship. The change that took place has been no more than a segregative change. Change in the periphery itself was not evolutionary, let alone revolutionary. At times it showed signs of involution; any weakening of the central control led to maximum legal irresponsibility. The Ottoman centuries, extending from the second half of the sixteenth to the early decades of the nineteenth century, are often depicted as a progressive development from a centralized to a quasi-feudal polity. The proponents of this view have in mind the gradual weakening of the center and the growing "autonomy" that the periphery acquired during this period. ' Another observa- tion frequently made is that, during the course of the nineteenth century, progress was made toward a constitutional government in the Ottoman polity. The Sened-i ittifak (Deed of Alliance) of 1808, the Guilhane Hatt-i Humayunu (Imperial Rescript of AUTHOR'S NOTE: I am grateful to the Social Science Research Council, New York, and the Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University, for support and encouragement that made this study possible. I should also mention here the perceptive criticisms of Engin Akarh, Carl Brown, Carter Findley, Serif Mardin, and Howard Reed on an earlier version of this paper. Needless to say, I am solely responsible for the mistakes that remain. International Political Science Review, Vol. I No. 1, 1980 81-105 ? 1980 International Political Science Association 81 This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 82 STUDIES IN SYSTEMS TRANSFORMATION Guilhane) of 1839, the islahat Ferman the creation of central and provincial "re and councils throughout the Tanzimat (Regulations) period of 1839-1876, and the convening of the first Ottoman parliament in 1877 following the proclamation in the previous year of a consti- tution are taken as milestones in this development. Neither of these views, it is true, is advanced without qualifications. The fact is not denied that, after its final consolidation during the reign of Mehmed the Conqueror (1451-1481),2 the political power of the center never dwindled completely. Similarly, the nineteenth century is not taken as the triumphant period of pluralism, let alone liberalism. Frequently, reference is made to sultanic and/or bureaucratic absolutism during this century. Still, one is often left with the impression that from the sixteenth century on, there took place a resurgence of the local notables in the Ottoman polity who commanded significant political influence, and that this group maintained and even strengthened its position during the nineteenth century (see inter alia Aricanli, 1976; Sadat, 1972; Szyliowicz, 1977). CENTER AND PERIPHERY: THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The Ottomans, in fact, succeeded to a legacy of feudalism.3 Maliksah of the Sejuks had compensated his mamluk officers with estates where they had built their autonomous powers (Weber, 1968: 1015-1016; Shaw, 1976: 7). Osman, the first sultan of the Ottomans (1299-1324), was recognized by the Seljuk sultan as a bey, as a person wielding political authority (Inalcik, 1976: 15). Even at this time, however, the social structure in Anatolia was not genuinely feudal because the peasants were far from being serfs. In the lands conquered by the Ottomans, they were usually left in the status of a kind of a tenant (Karpat, 1973: 30). This heritage is significant in that the class power of the feudal lords in the West was directly at stake with the gradual disappearance of serfdom (Anderson, 1974: 19). The Ottomans from the very beginning set forth to establish a centralized polity.4 During Bayezit I's reign (1389-1403) and This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Heper/CENTER AND PERIPHERY 83 immediately thereafter almost all the tools and the structures of a centralized administration were adopted: periodic surveys of population and land, a central treasury, a bureaucracy which sought from the capital to regulate affairs of state throughout the provinces, and a system of control through the sultan's own slaves (Inalcik, 1976: 28; Szyliowicz, 1977: 105). Whereas the absolute monarchs in the West had usually drawn their servants from among the small rural nobility (Beloff, 1962: 101; Rosenberg, 1958: 67), the Ottomans, like the Indian sultans (Thorner, 1965: 218), opted for a royal household full of loyal slaves. By successful deployment of the members of this group to all the critical posts both at the center and the localities, the old Turkish aristocracy was gradually removed from its position of a ruling class. Although they were retained as an influential group so that the sultan could play them off against his slave group (Shaw, 1976: 58), their status could now be determined by the center, a fact which shows the beginning of the dependency relationships The Ottoman land regime, too, manifested patrimonial characteristics. The whole country was a single oikos; the political realm was identical with a huge sultanic manor (Weber, 1968: 1013).6 When the Ottoman administration was first established in Anatolia, all agricultural land passed to the ownership of the state. All local feudal rights which limited the state's control over the land and the peasants were abolished. In 1475, a large part of the land held by vakifs (religious foundations) and private individuals was confiscated by the state and assigned as timars (fiefs) to cavalrymen who, among other things, collected taxes in the localities on behalf of the state (Inalcik, 1976: 34-35, 49). Under the Ottoman fief (timar) system, the granting of benefice in return for service to the sultan did not bring with it extensive political-territorial rights. Furthermore, there was an element of compulsion in this relationship. One component of the fief was no more than a dirlik, or revenue granted as a "living." Each timar holder was given a relatively small land, ifitlik, for his personal use. He extracted his "salary" from this land as long as he remained in that area. When he was assigned to another area, This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 84 STUDIES IN SYSTEMS TRANSFORMATION he returned his qiftlik to the state. O supervisory powers. He had to see to it that the peasants kept their assigned lands under cultivation, and paid their taxes. The fief- holder could not himself cultivate lands other than his own small qiftlik, nor could he transfer them to other peasants as long as the present tenants fulfilled their obligations deriving from the centrally specified rules. The administrative and legal matters were largely the responsibility of the other centrally appointed governors, kadis (district judges), and the janissary units. Before the law, the peasants were equals with the fief-holders; they could make complaints about the fief-holders who never possessed autonomous political powers (Szyliowicz, 1977: 108). Autonomous political power implies among other things the authority to make laws and regulations. This authority is exercised independently; it is not based on delegated powers. That in the Ottoman Empire autonomous powers were not granted to the localities is evident in the fact that, in the polity, one comes across legal codes covering all aspects of government and society in a manner that previous Muslim rulers had never attempted (Shaw, 1976: 62-83, 101).7 The Ottomans for their part revived the late Roman-Byzantine principles of ius publicum. They adopted from the Persians what the Austrian nobility in the 1860s had dubbed as "the dangerous procedure of personal decree ... and the dubious principle that it can bestow and take away rights" (Anderson and Anderson, 1967: 69). Drawing upon their drf-i sultani, or sovereign prerogatives, the Ottoman sultans could issue laws and regulations which could do away with precedents (Mardin, 1962: 102; Shaw, 1976: 135); their edicts, therefore, could be very different from the medieval practice that only interpreted tradition (Weber, 1968: 1012).8 Through the granting or withdrawing of berats (imperial certificates), the sultans could also decide whether a person belonged to a tax-free or a tax- paying group (Mardin, 1969: 272). Thus, the existence of extensive rules and regulations was devised for regulating the society from the center rather than for granting rights. Further, the state's supremacy in the Ottoman polity was propped up by the fact that Islam was never an autono- This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Heper/CENTER AND PERIPHERY 85 mous force or power vis-A-vis the state. The members of the religious institution were appointed and could be dismissed by the sultan (Shaw, 1976: 135).9 With the merger of the state and religion, the supremacy of the state in the Ottoman polity was guaranteed. The welfare of the society was identified with the free-floating resources at the disposal of the groups which identified themselves with the state. It was for this reason that soldiers were needed, and this in turn necessitated money, the well-being of the subjects, and "justice"keeping everybody in his place and protecting the subjects (inalcik, 1964c: 4243; Itzkowitz, 1972: 88). The state sought the uncompromising loyalty of both the subjects and the ruling groups. It is tempting to identify the person of the sultan with the state. One may be justified in doing so with respect to the classical period when the sultans ruled as well as reigned. It becomes difficult, however, to see an identity between the sultan and the state in later centuries when at times the sultans became puppets in the hands of military, civil, and/ or religious bureaucracies, and/or of various cliques in the palace itself. The ruling groups in time became the servants of the state rather than those of the sultan. The sultans lost their charisma; charisma was gradually attributed to the state.'0 The sultans could now be deposed in the name of the state. The state was seen as the provider of nizam (order). By "center" we mean here those groups or persons who tried to uphold the state's autonomy and supremacy in the polity. A "proper" education and culture were useful, but not the only avenue to become a member of the center. Though they were exceptions, the Ottoman polity, too, had its own illiterate grand viziers who were viewed as equally loyal servants of the state. The most general mechanism which provided socialization to the idea of uncompromising loyalty to the state was organizational. Service in one of the central bureaucracies gradually inculcated a loyalty to the state." It follows that although the common characteristic of the members of the center was an unswerving loyalty to the state, this This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 86 STUDIES IN SYSTEMS TRANSFORMATION did not mean that the members of the center always agreed on the nature of state (is this a state of reason or of religion?) or on how it could be saved (by reviving the traditional institutions or by Westernization?). In fact, the center was always ripped apart by both institutional and personal conflicts. Particularly after the old Turkish aristocracy was relegated to a secondary position and pushed to the ranks of the periphery, there remained no countervailing power to check the slave bureaucracy. The Ottoman solution to this problem was the old method of divide and rule (Timur, 1979: 180-181, 190). For instance, both the kazasker (chief military judge) and defterdar (treasurer) of the earlier centuries, and their counterparts in the nineteenth century, were each responsible to the sultan, and not to the grand vizier. In the localities, the fief-holder, tax-farmer, tax collector, local governor, and janissary commander were all played off against each other. Also, in the face of such insecurity, personal cleavages were superimposed upon the organizational ones. Each new appointee at each level of government tried to get his own proteges appointed to critical posts to safeguard his position against future intrigues. The state was somehow too overwhelming to be dominated long for the benefit of any one ruling group. Even after the proclamation of Gulhane Hatt-i Humayunu in 1839 and the Islahat Fermani in 1856, the posts of the bureaucrats did not become safe (Karal, 1956: 342). In actual fact, even their persons were not guaranteed. Given the inherent conflict between the members of the center and their ambiguous position vis-a-vis the state, it is difficult to refer to this group as an economic class. As will be discussed below, even during the second part of the nineteenth century the center tried to promote the economic interests of the small landholders and the peasants. An unchanging and common orientation of the center is, of course, that of protecting "the flock," in particular the peasants, so that the state would obtain revenues in a consistent manner (Karpat, 1977: 90). In terms that foreshadowed Ataturk's com- ment in the twentieth century, Suleyman the Magnificent (15201566) argued that the genuine master of the country was the This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Heper/CENTER AND PERIPHERY 87 protected flock, or reaya (Karal, 1954: 191). Whenever the certificates of appointment were issued to the mutesellims or the voyvodos, it was especially emphasized that they should commit no injustice against the reaya. When they misused their authority, the center increased its control over their appointments (Inalcik, 1977). 12 The center of the Ottoman Empire was never willing to come to terms with the local notables at the expense of the peasants. As already noted, the center always wished to use the local notables for its own purposes. Earlier, the imperial orders were communicated by convoking the loyal ayan and efraf as well as the guildmasters and the district clerics (Inalcik, 1964c: 47; Davison, 1968: 96). Later, when the fief system became ineffective and wa gradually replaced by tax-farming and direct tax collection systems, the significance of the local notables further increased (Bowen, 1960: 778). Their authority, however, was dependent on rather than independent of the state. Hourani's (1968: 46) general analysis of the political influence of the local notables is relevant here. According to Hourani, the political influence of the notables rests on two factors. On one hand, they must possess "access," to authority, and so be able to advise, warn, and, in general, speak before the authorities on behalf of the society or some part of it. On the other hand, they must have social power of their own, which is not dependent on the ruler, and which gives them a position of acceptance and "natural" leadership. In the Ottoman polity, the local notables' access to authority and usurping of state authority seem to have been much more important than their own social powers. The authority increased to the same proportion that the authority of the state in the localities became weakened. They filled a vacuum; they did not actively overcome authority. It is obvious that the Ottoman local notables did not constitute a nobility, i.e., a juridical class to which man belongs by birth. Were they an aristocracy, i.e., a powerful class able to exercise an impact over the affairs of the state? Even this is very doubtful. As inalcik (1978: 86) notes, the existence of qiftliks does not allow them to be identified with central or eastern European forms, This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 88 STUDIES IN SYSTEMS TRANSFORMATION where developments took place within a totally different context dominated by an aristocracy in absolute control of the land. As Eisenstadt (1963: 180-18 1) notes, even after the old landed aristocracy was subjugated in the West, it still tried to increase its power, prestige, and wealth by (a) attempting to monopolize various strategically important positions within the bureaucracy, (b) trying to guide many upper bureaucrats to aristocratic values and ways of life, (c) initiating and organizing strong movements opposing those of the monarch's policies that might benefit other classes in the country, and (d) utilizing the economic facilities and opportunities provided by the rulers to expand their own economic interests. In the Ottoman case the first three types of activities were absent. The new structures in the periphery did not emerge eventually to take over the center (Birtek, 1978: 126). The fourth type existed, but the local notables were not primarily interested in becoming agricultural entrepreneurs and building up autonomous power. They opted rather to be intermediaries between the state and the peasants (Mardin, 1969: 263). Thus, they became tax-farmers, acting governors, or members in governors' councils, and, later, in local "representative" councils. Rather than rising to form a countervailing force, even at the peak of their power they were willing to fill the slots that the center saw appropriate for them (Sadat, 1972: 351). The center even developed official descriptions of ayan: "A person competent, well-known, honest, and wealthy, and whose words were listened to by the people" (Inalcik, forthcoming). The title of ayan itself was obtained by special charters issued by the center (Inalcik, 1977; Fekete, 1960: 1170; Karpat, 1973: 37). The fact that they accepted such a regulated status, and that they competed among themselves for official posts at the local level, did not help them develop horizontal ties. They were rather in a vertical relationship with the state, and this relationship was on an individual basis. Each local notable tried to use his delegated power to enrich himself at the expense of both the state and the peasants. This is what Cook (1976: 8) must be referring to when he says that in the Ottoman Empire minimum central control always combined with local irresponsibility. This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Heper/CENTER AND PERIPHERY 89 As far as the center was concerned, the participation of the local notables in local administration was a stop-gap measure. In 1786, for instance, the center attempted to replace the ayans with central agents (Lewis, 1961: 441). The center continuously played off local notables against each other. When the situation seemed to get out of control and when it could muster enough power, the center resorted to power politics in the case of ayan and qsraf, too. In the eyes of the center, the usurping ayan was essentially no more than a mutegallibe giruhu (gang of oppressors) (Inalcik, 1977). CENTRAL CONTROL OVER THE PERIPHERY DURING THE NINETEENTH CENTURY The center's conception of the state and its attitude toward the periphery did not change during the nineteenth century. The modernization efforts that the center undertook were motivated by the desire to strengthen the center itself. The efforts in question were undertaken to curb particularly the authority of the ayan (Karpat, 1968: 70, 1972: 251-252; Slade, 1854: 115). The ayan had no allies in Istanbul through whom they could influence the politics of the center and legalize their status. Despite its outward similarities, the Sened-i Ittifak (Deed of Alliance) of 1808 was not a Magna Carta, nor was it subsequently used to further the cause of constitutionalism in the Ottoman Empire (Shaw and Shaw, 1977: 3). In fact, as soon as Alemdar Mustafa Pasha lost his power, the document was forgotten (Inalcik, 1964a: 609). When the reformers later in the century felt the need to refer to some pluralist precedents, they limited themselves to recalling that the early caliphate had been elective, and cited the Koranic injunction to act upon consultation (Davison, 1968: 95). In any case, the Sened-i Ittifak was not the product of a confrontation initiated by the periphery. Alemdar himself was at- tracted to the capital to restore the power of the reform party in the center (Inalcik, 1964a: 604). Alemdar's coming to Istanbul and his instruction in the administration of the state were undertaken by a group of chancery officials who had escaped to the This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 90 STUDIES IN SYSTEMS TRANSFORMATION province of Alemdar during the turmoil of Selim III's deposition. Alemdar himself later acknowledged that he was merely a military figurehead used by the bureaucrats to obtain power for them- selves (Mardin, 1962: 146; Karal, 1947: 91; Uzunqarlih, 1942: 82-83, 98, 102). It is interesting that, although the center used Alemdar to restore its power, it never attributed legitimacy to him. In his discussion of Alemdar's regime, the historian aanizade maintained that the government at the time was in the hands of persons "without fame and distinction" (bi-nam ve nishan). Even in the opinion of the capital's populace, Alemdar's regime was usurping legitimate authority (Levy, 1977: 5-6). Among the people of Istanbul, Alemdar was referred to as haydut basi (head bandit) (Karal, 1947: 99). When Alemdar asked the other local notables to come to Istanbul for the purpose of reviewing the crises facing the state, some of them did not show up because they were envious and/ or afraid of him (Inalcik, 1964a: 604). Their envy indicates the ongoing competition among the local notables for state posts. The Deed of Alliance was not preceded by a firm alliance among the local notables (on this last point see Shaw, 1971: 397ff.).13 The Aladdin's lamp effect that Mardin refers to when he discusses social mobilization in Ottoman society is also a good analogy concerning the political orientations of the local notables toward the state. In his opening speech at the meeting with the local notables and in the Deed that was eventually drawn up, Alemdar particularly emphasized the need to save the state (Uzunqarsili, 1947: 96; inalcik, 1964a: 612). According to the Deed, the local notables promised to be helpful in conscripting men for the army and collecting taxes, both of which actions would have strengthened the center's hand. The Deed also indicated that the center was not to take action against the local notables so long as the latter did not violate its provisions. But why should the center harm them as long as they helped strengthen the center's hand? The provisions of the Deed become more meaningful if it is not seen as an agreement between two parties of nearly equal strength This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Heper/CENTER AND PERIPHERY 91 but as one between a center which was interested in maintaining its dominance at all costs and a periphery which was only inter- ested in preserving its influence in a limited sphere, i.e., in the localities. The periphery was not interested in participating in central decision-making; it only wanted to be left alone with respect to its activities in the localities (Inalcik, 1964c: 52-53; Davison, 1968: 95; Karpat, 1968: 80). If they were interested in streamlining the central government, this was because they did not want rivals in local exploitation. To the extent that the center lost control of its agents in the periphery, these agents, too, would become the plunderers of their own society (Sadat, 1972: 354, 360). It must be for this reason that the local notables were not unwilling to help the center obtain more free-floating resources. They must have hoped that in this way the center would better control its agents in the localities. Since they were not interested in participating in central politics and since they thought that the Deed gave them adequate autonomy in the localities, they remained indifferent to the potential strengthening of the center. The center's later efforts of transforming the omnipotent state into one of omnicompetence that could effectively penetrate the periphery once more brought the center and periphery into conflict. During the earlier centuries, some of the state functions had been delegated to the ayan and esraf. Now, through the policies of autocracy, centralization, and "decentralization" (Shaw, 1968), there was an effort to revive, in a new form, the traditional ideal of the center that there should be no intermedi- aries of any sort between the state and its subjects (Mardin, 1973: 180). The political conception underlying the Tanzimat (Regula- tions) period (1839-1876) has a close affinity to the rationalist tradition of the eighteenth-century Western Europe. As elaborated by Rousseau on the eve of the French Revolution, this view held the nation to be a homogeneous entity in opposition to the estates. The group interests within society are eliminated and replaced by general interest; the general interest in question is best represented by the state. The only meaningful relationship This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 92 STUDIES IN SYSTEMS TRANSFORMATION is that between the state and people as individuals (Talmon, 1960; Palmer, 1959). The political conception underlying the Tanzimat, too, was that of a direct and identical relationship between the government and each of its citizens. This was com- patible with neither the privileges of Muslim notables nor their roles as intermediaries (Hourani, 1968: 54, 63). The aim of the Tanzimat reforms was to establish a uniform and centralized administration linked directly with each citizen, and working with its own rational principles of justice, applied equally to all. Such a refined conception of the state, and the pressures of the Great Powers (see inter alia Cunningham, 1968; Bailey, 1942; Akarll, 1976: 17) go a long way in explaining the relations between the center and the periphery in the nineteenth century Ottoman polity. The equality of all citizens proclaimed in both the Gulhane Hatt-i Humayunu in 1839 and Islahat Fermani in 1856 was considered by the center to be a practical means to mobilize the masses behind the state and against the local notables (Karpat, 1972: 258), as well as a strategy to appease the Great Powers. Refit Pasha, who prepared the edict, hoped that the people would now identify with their state, would not riot, and that the economy would catch up, and thus the revenues of the state would increase. He did not base the so-called "liberal principles" of the edict on a theory of the natural rights of man (Inalcik, 1964a: 620; Shaw and Shaw, 1977: 61; Mardin, 1960: 425). Ali Pasha and Fuad Pasha, both proteges of Refit Pasha and both maintaining the Tanzimat tradition as they alternated in the post of foreign minister and grand vizier, did not believe in a representative system either (Davison, 1968: 101). Nor did the Young Ottomans, who opposed the Tanzimat statesmen be- cause the latter had introduced bureaucratic absolutism, advocate republicanism. They envisioned a representative assembly, the sole function of which would be to act as a brake on the executive (Davison, 1963: 223). At least two reasons behind the failure of the Ottoman experience with constitutional government as noted by Devereux (1963: 253) reflect well the implications of long Ottoman experience with patrimonialism: the lack of "respect for law by both the This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Heper/CENTER AND PERIPHERY 93 rulers and the ruled and [of] understanding and acceptance of their duties as well as their rights by all citizens, irrespective of rank, position, or social or economic status." The center perceived the Ottoman Parliament of 1877, as well as the elective councils that preceded it, as being no more than tools at its disposal for manipulating the periphery. Ahmed Vefik Pasha, the chairman of the parliament, often stopped deputies in the midst of their speeches, to tell them in true bureaucratic fashion that they knew nothing about the subject and were talking nonsense (Lewis, 1961: 165). The parliamentarians in turn hardly resembled the members of the parlements of late eighteenth century France who claimed the heads of Turgots, Neckers, and others (Palmer, 1959: 453). The Ottoman parliamentarians readily passed all the expenditures required for the war (and thus produced a substantial deficit), and they approved increases in taxes on income, property, and animals to compensate. They also approved a compulsory internal loan requiring property owners and civil servants alike to purchase government bonds according to their wealth and means (Shaw and Shaw, 1977: 185; also see Akarli, 1976: 212). The rural delegates to the parliament were united in seeking to restrict the powers of the administrators over these elective councils at the provincial and local levels that were created after the proclamation of the Gulhane Hatt-i Humayunu (Shaw and Shaw, 1977: 185). These councils, founded as part of the decentralization policy, were seen in the same light as- the Parlia- ment itself. Not unlike Peter the Great's city councils"'(Jacoby, 1973: 115), the primary motive behind them was to improve tax collection (Ortayli, 1974: 4). The stipulation that in each of the major subdivisions of the empire there should be an administra- tive council was part of an imperial edict (January 1840) which dealt with the reform of tax-collection methods in the Empire (Davison, 1968: 98). The administrative councils so created had only advisory powers. Often their members did not know whether their decisions were advisory or final (Inalcik, 1964b: 634). Sometimes, their seals or signatures were gathered on blank documents or on documents the contents of which were not disclosed to the This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 94 STUDIES IN SYSTEMS TRANSFORMATION signatories (Pinson, 1975: 114). When their pay was in arrears, they resigned (Shaw and Shaw, 1977: 87). The meetings of the councils were not open to the public so that the collusion between the center and the local notables in question could be kept secret (Ortayli, 1974: 21). All this indicates that the local notables were not really interested in these local councils, which are often presented as significant steps toward constitutionalism. Since these councils were established as a facade of assent so as to overcome the peasants' unwillingness to pay their taxes and fulfill their other obligations (Karpat, 1973: 37), the center paid particular attention to their composition. Suffrage was limited by strict property qualifications so that presumably only those with influence on the populace could vote. They voted for persons on lists presented by the center. They elected twice the number of representatives needed so that the center could choose those who actually would serve. Despite all these restrictions the center still did not want to leave the matter to chance. The bureaucrats appointed by the center constituted more than half the member- ship (Shaw, 1968: 35; Shaw and Shaw, 1977: 85). The local notables resisted the Tanzimat reforms (Pinson, 1975: 104). As Davison (1963: 65) perceptively observed "they resisted reform because they profited from disorganization and inefficiency in the central government to maintain their political and financial control." They must have been particularly interested in the persistence of the financial ineffectiveness of the center in the localities, because then they could turn it to their benefit. In the nineteenth century, as earlier, the weakening of central control led to maximum local irresponsibility. Ottoman local notables were therefore hardly risk-taking aristocrats with self-confidence. In this sense there was a sharp difference between them and English aristocrats. As early as the second half of the sixteenth and the first half of the seventeenth centuries, the English aristocrats were risk-takers in new business ventures, and they used their influence with the central government to obtain for the merchants or the industrialists the necessary patents or licenses (Stone, 1977: 162). In contrast, when invited to the Extraordinary Assembly convoked in the capital in This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Heper/CENTER AND PERIPHERY 95 1845, the Ottoman local notables were surprised, and did not know what to do. According to one account, they did express their wishes "though apparently with trepidation" (Davison, 1968: 100). According to another account, the delegates seemed to have been confused by the new and unfamiliar procedure, and, not knowing what they were expected to say, preferred to say nothing (Lewis, 1961: 111). The 1858 Land Code and 1864 Vila yet (Province) Law were further attempts on the part of the center to increase its control over the periphery (Davison, 1963: 99, 147). Local notables nonetheless found a way to use the Land Code to their own advantage. They bribed officials and obliged peasants to give false accounts in the courts. The center was interested in increasing productivity in agriculture, thus, its members hoped, enlarging the state's revenues. The purpose was to protect the small landowners and peasants. Ali Pasha in his will had said that the peasants should be saved from the usurer (Aricanlh, 1976: 48; Akarlh, 1978: 37). The specific intent behind the Land Code was to reassert state control over the state-owned (miri) land, which over the centuries had passed by one means or another out of the state's hands. This was an effort on the part of the center to legislate the old traditions concerning land (Barkan, 1940: 419). The Ottoman center in the second part of the nineteenth century was trying to do what the Byzantine emperors had been pre- occupied with throughout the tenth century: legislating against the power of the magnates to buy up the land of the poor (Runciman, 1965: 83). A system of registration of titles was established. It was hoped that the further illegal conversion of state-owned lands into freehold property and then into vakif (religious foundation) property could be prevented by proper registration. The transactions in land were largely dependent upon the permission of the authorities. It was especially legislated that one individual could not hold the lands of an entire village. The clear intention of the Code was to establish a form of peasant owner- ship as against control of the land by the local notables, and thus consolidate the power of the central government (Barkan, 1940: 376, 379-384; Davison, 1963: 99; Warriner, 1966: 73). Shaw This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 96 STUDIES IN SYSTEMS TRANSFORMATION and Shaw (1977: 115) arrive at the conclusion that a vigorous application of the law would have indeed dispossessed many of the new rural magnates in the countryside.'4 The 1864 VilAyet (Province) Law, too, aimed at promoting the power of the center over the periphery. The Law was seen as a means to extend to the provinces orderly and efficient administration. The scope of authority of the provincial governor was increased. The center wished to use this new instrument to realize the aims of the 1858 Land Code. While he was governor in Baghdad, Midhat Pasha wanted to get land titles registered, put land under state control, and by these means increase public order as well as subject incomes to taxation. In 1871, the powers of the provincial governor were further increased. The center in the Ottoman Empire acted against the periphery without any allies. It did so by extending itself. This is what distinguishes the "real" centralism of the Ottomans from the "false" centralism of the Tudors (Birtek, 1978: 151). This characteristic of the Ottoman development also differentiates it from the experiences of most other countries in that in the latter countries the accom- modation of the landed interest with either the bourgeoisie or the state constituted the central tidal flow of modernization (Dennis, 1978: 185). CENTER AND PERIPHERY: A LINGERING RELATIONSHIP The local notables in the Ottoman society and polity were local in the true sense of that word. Their wealth depended largely upon their exploitation of the weaknesses of the center in the localities. They were never able and/or interested in translating their economic power into central political power. Thus they could not, for instance, influence the center so as to have a more favorable Land Code. Instead, to realize their aims they had to find loopholes in the Code, bribe officials, and coerce the peasants. Having to go through all these indirect channels is costly and reflects a dependency relationship. It is difficult, therefore, to accept the view that in the second part of the nine- teenth century there developed an alliance between the old ruling This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Heper/CENTER AND PERIPHERY 97 families and the central government, let alone the view that the elective councils were established as a response to the rising significance of the local notables in the Ottoman polity. To use Eisenstadt's nomenclature (1978: 75-77), the change that took place was no more than segregative change. The newly constituted social strata, i.e., the local notables, did not come to im- pinge directly on the center. These local notables tended not to form well-articulated entities but rather were coopted by the rulers into the existing political framework. The principles of access to political power did not change. Coalescent change had been alien to the Ottoman scene. The tension between the center and the periphery was never resolved by means of a compromise. If there was any agreement at all, it was an implicit alliance of the local notables and some members of the bureaucracy to exploit the resources of the state. If some of the policies of the center eventually benefited the local notables, it was unintentional. The center never doubted its ability to implement the legal measures it took. Those measures, however, were easily distorted. The goals of the center were almost always displaced. It is significant that the initiative for the reforms always came from the center and from the Great Powers. The center's initiative for these measures is usually given less than adequate attention while that of the Great Powers is overemphasized. It should not be forgotten that the policies of the center during the nineteenth century were not out of line with its traditional orientation concerning the roles and functions in the Ottoman polity of the state, the center, and the periphery.'5 This state of affairs was reflected in the social prestige of the local notables, which was high only in the localities. Even there, however, their prestige was dependent on the state. They had prestige because they had access to the central authorities or because they protected the people from the authorities. They also amassed their wealth by exploiting the peasants through the use of powers delegated to them by the state. In the eyes of the center, they were always inferiors. Even in Russia, where the aristocracy had entered into the service of the state, men in the This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 98 STUDIES IN SYSTEMS TRANSFORMATION top brackets of the military and the civil services thought of themselves as members of the aristocracy (Blum, 1971: 350). In Ottoman society, the prime source of prestige as well as authority continued to be service to the state (Karal, 1947: 3). At the end of the nineteenth century, the local notables were sending their sons off to the Ottoman professional schools, and from there into the civil or military service (Hourani, 1968: 65). When one looks at Ottoman political development, particularly from the perspective of relations between the center and the periphery, there is an unmistakable continuity from the classical Ottoman period to the centuries of decline and into the nineteenth century. The Ottoman political culture has been closely affected by the nature of this relationship, the most distinguishing characteristic of which was an ever-present tension. This tension produced suspicion, distrust, arbitrariness, and unethical ma- neuvering. Anderson and Anderson's (1967: 236) observation concerning an aspect of German political culture, which they attribute to authoritarianism in that polity, is true for the Ottoman polity, too: "instead of accepting the utilitarian belief of constituting each individual his own policeman, they regarded law as a separate entity for the administration to apply and enforce, not as a body of common rules to which all should conform. They thought themselves entitled to outwit the bureaucracy if they could do so with impunity." If there is any substance to the argument that in the Middle Ages all the real advances made in independence of character, safeguarding of rights, and limitations of force were due to the role played by the hereditary aristocracy (Jouvenel, 1949: 319332), then one is obliged to take exception to Ziya G1kalp's assertion (cited in Karpat, 1968: 79) that the local notables in the Ottoman polity were instrumental in imbuing some people with a feeling for freedom and dignity which undermined the prevailing slavelike relations between the sultan and his subjects and eventually prepared the ground for the idea of popular sovereignty. How could a group, itself dependent, furnish an example of successful struggle against absolutism? In fact, only the opposite would be true. The Ottoman political scene was an This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Heper/ CENTER AND PERIPHERY 99 appropriate ground for the development of the authoritarian personality. It was assumed that the very existence of the realm depended on the sultan's threat of punishment and that public order would break down if the people did not live between fear and hope (Heyd, 1973: 195). This authoritarianism must have exacerbated the "feudal" relations between the local notables and the peasants in Ottoman society. Mardin (1973: 171) referred to the continuing tension between the center and the periphery in the Ottoman polity when he noted the former's traditional nervousness toward the latter. Its implications for the Ottoman and, for that matter, Turkish political structure and culture, however, have not yet been adequately analyzed. When they become the premises of social organization, then arbitrariness, distrust, suspicion, and maneuvering sap the energy of a society. This fact may go a long way to explain Ottoman-Turkish underdevelopment above and beyond socioeconomic factors of internal and external varieties. In the light of the Ottoman experience, Anderson's argument makes sense: The determinant of the transcendent success of industrial de- velopment in Europe, including its conquest of the rest of the world, must be sought in the political and legal structures that alone distinguished it (Anderson, 1974: 403). As already noted, the change that took place on the Ottoman polity was segregative. The political approach of the center remained the same despite some changes in the periphery. Change in the periphery itself was not evolutionary, let alone revolu- tionary. At times it showed signs of involution: any weakening of the central control led to maximum legal irresponsibility. NOTES 1. "Center" refers here to those groups which try to uphold the state's aut supremacy in the polity; "periphery" refers to those who try to escape from the of the state. These definitions are elaborated below. 2. Dates in parentheses here and below indicate the years the person reigned. 3. The following analysis focuses on the "home countries" of Anatolia and above all Rumelia. lt was in Rumelia that the new Ottoman social system had been systematically implanted in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and then expanded to the Anatolia, the Middle East, and North Africa. Beyond Anatolia, however, the traditional This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 100 STUDIES IN SYSTEMS TRANSFORMATION land and taxation systems did not change much (Hourani, 1968: 46-54; Anderson, 1974: 368, 379; Shinder, 1978: 503). 4. On the potential for the development of an aristocracy in the early and later Ottoman society, see Mardin (1967: 121-122). 5. On the other hand, the Turkish-Moslem groups were never effectively and com- pletely barred from holding political positions (Itzkowitz, 1962). The old Turkis aristocracy under pressure sometimes opted for a new protected status. Thus, in central Anatolia, in Beyiehir, the dynasty of Esref Ogullari found the stratagem of establishing a religious trust to which the eldest son of the family was appointed trustee in perpetuity (Mardin, 1967: 122). 6. The Ottoman land system resembled in this sense the situation in the Roman, Incan, and Indian empires. 7. lt is revealing that the Ottomans called hiikUmet (government) those provincial districts in the eastern borders of the empire. These were the districts that the capital could not control closely (Yucel, 197'.: 669). 8. 6rfi Sultani refers to the will or command of the sultan as a secular ruler (Heyd, 1973: 169). According to Lybyer (1913: 152), it represents "the sovereign will of the reign- ing sultan." The institution is similar to the Roman lex rather than the Romanjus, because in matters of public law the Ottomans were in the habit of transforming the problems of law into simple questions of administration. Even in the earlier Islamic states, the sov- ereign in practice enjoyed virtually unlimited discretionary power to complete the sacred law in matters directly affecting the state-above all, war, politics, taxation, and crime (Schacht, 1964: 84-85). The Ottomans in addition maintained the earlier. Turkic-lranian state traditions (Inalcik, 1958: 107); if the public interest or raison d'etat required it the ruler could take measures that would conflict with the sacred law (Heyd, 1973: 192). Based on the view that "God deters people [from transgression] through the ruler rather than through the Kuran," the Ottoman rulers could pass more severe penalties in criminal matters than the sacred law allowed (Heyd, 1973; Mumcu, 1963). Even after 1839, that is, after the imperial decree which guaranteed immunity from arbitrary punishment, penalties were inflicted sivaseten, i.e., as an "administrative punishment" for administrative or political reasons (Mumcu, 1963: 174). During the reign of AbdUlhamid 11 (1876-1909), too, a grand vizier could reprimand the sheikhulislam if the matter under discussion was political and not religious (Pakahn, 1940-1948: 335-337, cited in Alar!, 1976: 111). The sultan's responsibility toward the religious law always remained ambiguous (Karal, 1947: 5). 9. The state and religion were considered to be one and the same entity: The state was conceived to be the concrete manifestation of religion, while religion was viewed as the substance of the state (Berkes, 1964: 6-7). 10. Shils (1965: 203) notes that the charismatic propensity is a function of the need for order whether it be God's law or natural law or scientific law or positive law or the society as a whole. or even a particular corporate body or institution. Whatever embodies, expresses, or symbolizes the essence of an ordered cosmos or any significant sector thereof awakens the disposition of awe and reverence. 1 1. On organization and work groups as socializing agents sometimes more dominant than education and socioeconomic background, see Langton (1969: 144-159) and Almond and Verba (1966: Ch. 12). 12. The center also issued adaletnames (justice decrees), and warned those who abused their rights and exploited the people (Ozkaya, 1974). This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Heper/CENTER AND PERIPHERY 101 13. Even at the level of leading families the Ottoman social structure does not evince alliances. Findley (forthcoming) draws attention to consistent inequalities between the bride and bridegroom in Ottoman marriages. 14. Western legal concepts were only fully applied to land ownership without con- ditions and stipulations for the first time in 1926 (inalcik, 1955: 226-227). 15. Theorists of peripheralization posed a paradigm with two elements: the industrial metropole (Europe) aqd a dependent economy (Ottoman). (See inter alia Islamoglu and Keyder, 1977.) 1 agree with Birtek (1978: 174) that in fact the paradigm constituted three elements: the Ottoman political center, the Ottoman agricultural periphery, and the industrial economies of Europe. 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Commoners, Climbers and Notables: A Sampler of Studies on Social Ranking in the Middle East. Leiden: E. J. Brill. TALMON, J. L. (1960) The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy. New York: Frederick A. Praeger. THORNER, D. (1965) "Feudalism in India," pp. 133-150 in R. Coulborn(ed.) Feudalism in History. Hamden, CT: Archon Books. TiMUR, T. (1979) Kurulu? ve Yukseti? DonemindeOsmanliToplumsal Duzeni. Ankara: Ankara Univ. Press. UZUNgAR?ILI, i. H. (1942) Meshur Rumeli Ayanlarindan Tirsinikli ismail Yilik Oglu Suleyman A~alar ve Alemdar Mustafa Pasa. Istanbul: Maarif Matbaasi. WARRINER, D. (1966) "The real meaning of the Ottoman Land Code," pp. 72-78 in C. Issawi (ed.) The Economic History of the Middle East, 1800-1914. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press. WEBER, M. (1968) Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretative Sociology. Ed. by G. Roth and C. Wittich. Trans. by E. Fischoff et al. New York: Bedminster. YUCEL, 1. (1974) "Osmanli imparatorlugunda desantralizasyona (adem'-i merkeziyet) dair genel gozlemler." Belleten 28 (October): 657-708. Metin Heper is Associate Professor of Political Science and Public Administration at Bogazic,i University, Istanbul. Professor Heper has published seven books in Turkey, and contributed to such collective works and journals as Public Administration Training for the Less Developed Countries, Planning the Development of Universities-111, Charisma and Political Idolatry in the Twentieth CenturY', International Journal of This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Heper/CENTER AND PERIPHERY 105 Middle East Studies, Middle East Journal, International Social Science Journal, Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, Asian andAfirican Studies, forthcoming, and Administration and Society, forthcoming. Professor Heper has been a visiting professor at the Southwest Texas State University, and a research associate at Harvard University. Presently, he is a research associate at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. His address is: Social Sciences Department, Bogazici University, P. K. 2 Bebek, Istanbul, Turkey. This content downloaded from 85.212.164.169 on Fri, 12 Feb 2021 15:29:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms